"the dignity of the royal banner," nor feel “the pride, "pomp, circumftance of glorious war," that make ambition virtue.-What makes ambition virtue?-A fenfe of honour :-but is a fenfe of honour confiftent with a spirit of plunder, and the practice of murder? Can it flow from mercenary motives? Or can it prompt to cruel deeds?

My lords, the time demands the language of truth: we must not now lay the flattering unction of fervile compliment or blind adulation. In a juft or neceffary war, to maintain the rights or the honour of my country, I would strip the shirt from my back to fupport it: but in fuch a war as this, unjust in all its principles, impracticable in its means, and ruinous in its confequences, I would not contribute a fingle effort, or a fingle fhilling. In this complicated crifis of danger, weakness at home, and calamity abroad, terrified and intulted by the neighbouring powers; unable to act in AMERICA, or acting only to be deftroyed, where is the man with the forehead to fay our affairs are in a hopeful fituation! who has the forehead to promife or to hope fuccefs from fuch a fituation, or from perfeverance in those measures that have driven us to it?

But if in an obftinate and infatuated perfeverance in folly we meanly echo back the words this day offered to us, we shall madly rush into multiplied miferies, and confufion worfe confounded. Is it poffible? Can it be believed, that minifters are

yet

yet blind to their impending deftruction? I did hope, that instead of this falfe and empty vanity; this overweaning pride engendering high conceits, and "prefumptuous imaginations," that minifters would have humbled themfelves in their errors; would have confeffed and retracted them; and by an active, though late repentance, have endeavoured to redeem them.

But, my lords, fince they had neither fagacity to foresee, nor juftice nor humanity to fhun, thefe oppreffive calamities: fince not even fevere experience can make them feel, nor the imminent ruin of their country awaken them from their ftupefaction; the guardian care of parliament must interpofe.

The AMERICANS contending for their rights against our arbitrary exactions, I love and admire. It is the ftruggle of free and virtuous patriots. But contending for a total disconnection from ENGLAND, as an Englishman I cannot with them fuccefs, for on this connection depends the mutual happiness and profperity of both ENGLAND and AMERICA. They derived encouragement, affiftance, and protection from us, and we reaped from her the most important advantages. She was indeed the foundation of our wealth, the nerve of our strength, the nursery and basis of our naval power. It is our duty, my lords, most anxioufly to endeavour the recovery of these ineftimable, these most beneficial advantages: and in

this perilous crifis, perhaps the present moment may be the only one in which we can hope for fuccefs. For the natural difpofition of AMERICA as yet leans towards ENGLAND, towards the old habit of connection and mutual interest that united both countries. This was the eftablished sentiment of all the continent: and ftill, my lords, in the great and principal part, the found part of AMERICA, the middle and fouthern colonies, this wife and affectionate disposition prevails: and there is a very important and confiderable part of AMERICA yet found. Some parts may be blind to their true interefts; but if we express a juft, a wife, and a benevolent difpofition to participate with them thofe immutable rights of nature and conftitutional liberties, to which they are equally entitled with ourselves: by a conduct fo juft and humane, we shall confirm the most favourable, and conciliate the most adverse. I fay, my lords, the rights and liberties to which they are equally entitled with ourselves; but no more. I would participate to them every enjoyment and every freedom which the colonizing fubjects of a free ftate can poffefs, or wish to poffefs and I do not fee why they should not enjoy every fundamental right in their property, and every original fubftantial liberty that Devonfhire or Surry, or the county I live in, or any county in ENGLAND can claim. I fhall, there

fore,

fore, my lords, propose to you an amendment to the addrefs to his Majefty; "to recommend (in"stead of profecuting further this calamitous war) "an immediate ceffation of hoftilities; and the commencement of a treaty to restore peace and liberty to AMERICA, ftrength and happiness to ENGLAND; "fecurity and permanent profperity to both countries.'

This, my lords, is yet in our power, and let not the wisdom and justice of your lordships neglect the happy and perhaps the only opportunity. By the establishment of irrevocable laws, founded on mutual rights, and afcertained by a treaty, thefe glorious enjoyments may be firmly perpetuated. The found parts of AMERICA of which I have spoken, must be fenfible of these great truths, and of their real interefts: AMERICA is not in that state of defperate and contemptible rebellion which this country has been deluded to believe. It is not a wild and lawless banditti, who having nothing to lofe might hope to snatch fomething from public convulfions; many of their leaders and principal men have a great ftake in this conteft; and let me again repeat to your lordships, that the ftrong bias of AMERICA, at leaft of the wifer and founder part of it, naturally inclines to this happy and conftitutional re-connection with You.

Lord CHATHAM was fupported in his propofed amendment by Lord ABINGDON, Lord SHEL

BURNE,

BURNE, the Duke of GRAFTON, Lord CAMDEN, the Duke of RICHMOND, Lord EFFINGHAM, and the Bishop of PETERBOROUGH.

manner.

Lord ABINGDON was short and spirited. Lord SHELBURNE, as ufual, difcuffed the subject in a very ample and comprehenfive manner. The Duke of GRAFTON spoke long, and with much earnestness, preserving at the fame time, what generally characterizes this nobleman's fpeaking, a decent and chaftifed ftile of dignity. Lord CAMDEN was argumentative, fluent, fincere, and animated. The Duke of RICHMOND was a pow erful affiftant to the noble mover of the amendment. And the Bishop of PETERBOROUGH pronounced a fhort and pithy opinion on the question; clothed in language uniting qualities rarely found together, being both nervous and elegant.

On the other fide there were many able speakers who fupported the continuance and principle of the war. With refpect to the employment of Indians, Lord SUFFOLK faid, it was a measure neceffary in fact, and allowable in principle: for it was perfectly juftifiable to use every means against our enemies, that GOD and NATURE had put into our hands.

Lord CHATHAM rofe.

I am aftonished-fhocked-to hear fuch principles confeffed-to hear them avowed in this houfe, or in this country:-principles equally unVOL. IV. conftitutional,

C