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Soon after his flight to the British army, Arnold published an Address to the Inhabitants of America, in which he attempted to gloss over his treason by abusing the Congress and the French alliance. He also published a Proclamation to the Officers and Soldiers of the Continental Army, in which as an inducement to desert he offered $15 to every private, and to the officers commissions in the British

BENEDICT ARNOLD.

when, after destroying a large quantity of public and private stores there and in the vicinity (Jan. 5, 1781), he withdrew to Portsmouth, opposite Norfolk, and made that place his headquarters for a while. Earnest efforts were made to capture the marauder, but in vain. Jefferson offered $25,000 for his arrest, and Washington detached Lafayette, with 1,200 men, drawn from the New England and New Jersey levies, who marched to Virginia for that purpose and to protect the State.

A portion of the French fleet went from Rhode Island (March 8) to shut Arnold up in the Elizabeth River and assist in capturing him. Steuben, who was recruiting for Greene's army in Virginia, also watched him. The effort failed, for Arnold was vigilant and extremely cautious. He knew what would be his fate if caught. "What would the Americans do with me, if they should catch me?" Arnold inquired of a young prisoner. "They would cut off and bury with military honors your leg that was wounded at Saratoga, and hang the rest of you," replied the young American soldier. General Phillips joined Arnold (March 26) with more than 2,000 men, and took the chief command. The traitor accompanied him on another expedition up the James River, in April, and then returned to New York, for Cornwallis, who came into Virginia from North Carolina, refused to serve with him.

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When Sir Henry Clinton found that the army according to their rank and the allied armies were actually going to Virnumber of men they might bring with ginia, he tried to alarm Washington by them. Virginia had generously sent her threats of marauding expeditions. best troops to assist the Carolinians in sent Arnold, with a band of regulars and their attempt to throw off the yoke laid Tories, to commit atrocities in Connectiupon their necks by Cornwallis. To call cut. Arnold crossed the Sound, from Long these troops back from Greene's army, Island, and on Sept. 6, 1781, landed his the British, at the close of 1780, sent Ar- troops on each side of the Thames, below nold into Virginia with a marauding party New London. He plundered and burned of British and Tories, about 1,600 in num- that town, and a part of his force took ber, with seven armed vessels, to plunder, Fort Griswold, opposite, by storm. distress, and alarm the people of that was gallantly defended by Colonel LedState. In no other way could Arnold be yard and a garrison of 150 poorly armed employed by his master, for respectable militiamen. Only six of the garrison were British officers refused to serve with him killed in the conflict, but after the surin the army. He arrived at Hampton render the British officer in command Roads on Dec. 30, 1780. Anxious to dis- (Colonel Eyre) murdered Ledyard with tinguish himself, he immediately pushed his sword, and, refusing to give quarter to up the James River as far as Richmond, the garrison, seventy-three were massacred.

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Then the wounded were placed in a baggage-wagon and sent down the slope towards the river, with the intention of drowning them in the stream at its foot, but the vehicle was caught by an appletree. The cries of the sufferers could be heard above the crackling of the burning town by persons across the river. With this atrocious expedition the name of Benedict Arnold disappears from the records of our history.

Arnold went to England at the close of the war, where he was despised and shunned by all honorable men. He was afterwards a resident of St. John, New Brunswick, engaged chiefly in trade and navigation, but was very unpopular. He was there hung in effigy. His son, James Robertson (an infant at the time of his father's treason), became a lieutenantgeneral in the British army. Arnold's second wife, whom he married when she was not quite eighteen years of age, survived him just three years. Arnold died in obscurity, but in comfortable pecuniary circumstances, in Gloucester Place, London, June 14, 1801.

the unsettled boundary between Maine and New Brunswick nearly led to active hostilities on the Aroostook River. Maine sent armed men to erect fortifications, and Congress authorized the President to resist the encroachments of the British. General Scott arranged a truce and joint occupation. The boundaries were finally adjusted by treaty, Aug. 9, 1842. See ASHBURTON, LORD; MAINE; WEBSTER, DANIEL.

Arroyo, a seaport in the district of Guayama, in the southeastern part of the island of Porto Rico. It is on a bay of the same name, and has a population of about 1,200. Its trade with the United States prior to the war with Spain was annually from 7,000 to 10,000 hogsheads of sugar, 2,000 to 5,000 casks of molasses, and 50 to 150 casks and barrels of bay-rum.

Arsenals. In 1901, arsenals, armories, and ordnance depots were established at the following places: Arsenals-Allegheny, Pa.; Augusta, Ga.; Benicia, Cal.; Columbia, Tenn.; Fort Monroe, Va.; Frankford, Pa.; Indianapolis, Ind.; Kennebec (Augusta), Me.; New York (GovArnold, FRANZ. See LIEBER, FRANCIS. ernor's Island), N. Y.; Rock Island, Ill.; Arnold, RICHARD, military officer; born San Antonio, Tex.; Watertown, Mass.; in Providence, R. I., April 12, 1828; was and Watervliet, N. Y. Armory-Springgraduated at West Point in 1850. He field, Mass. Powder Depots-St. Louis, served in Florida, California, at the battie of Bull Run, on the Peninsula, and was made chief of artillery of Banks's expedition in November, 1862. At Port Hudson and in the Red River campaign he rendered important service; also in the capture of Fort Fisher, and of Fort Morgan, near Mobile. He was brevetted maJor-general United States army in 1866. He died on Governor's Island, New York, Nov. 8, 1882.

Mo., and Dover, N. J. Ordnance Proving
Ground-Sandy Hook (Fort Hancock),
N. J.

Art, METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF, New York City, founded by the action of a public meeting held at the Academy of Music in November, 1869. In April, 1870, a charter was obtained from the legislature "for the purpose of establishing a museum and library of art; of encourag ing and developing the study of the fine arts; of the application of art to manufacture and to practical life; of advancing the general knowledge of kindred subjects; and to that end of furnishing popular instruction and recreation." Later the legislature authorized the Park Department to erect a two-story fire-proof building for its use in Central Park, the cost not to exceed $500,000, and also to set apart a tract of eighteen and a half acres in the eastern part of the Park between Eightieth and Eighty-fifth streets. The Museum was formally opened by the President of the In 1837-39 United States, March 30, 1880. An addi

Arnold, SAMUEL GREENE, legislator and author; born in Providence, R. I., April 12, 1821. He was graduated at Brown University in 1841. After extensive travel in Europe, the East, and South America, he became, in 1852, lieutenantgovernor of Rhode Island. In 1861 he took the field in command of a battery of artillery. He was lieutenant-governor, 1861-62, and United States Senator in 1863. He was the author of a History of Rhode Island. He died in Providence, Feb. 12, 1880.

Aroostook Disturbanee.

tion on the south side and one on the north were made in 1894, increasing the total ground area from 233 by 104 feet to 233 by 344 feet. In 1897 a further exsion was authorized, for which an appropriation of $1,000,000 was made.

Artesian Wells, wells formed by boring through upper soil to strata containing water which has percolated from a higher level, and which rises to that level through the boring-tube. The following are some of the deepest wells in the United States:

River, from 800 to 1,600 feet deep, afford. ing a bountiful supply of pure water. The water from great depths is always warmer than at the surface.

One of the most remarkable attempts to sink an artesian well in the United States was made in Galveston, Tex. A depth of 3,070 feet and 9 inches was reached, without penetrating any rock or finding water. After the contractors had reached a depth of 3,000 feet, which was the limit stipulated in their contract, they were paid $76,000, and the work was

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Arthur, CHESTER ALAN, twenty-first President of the United States, from Sept. 19, 1881, to March 4, 1885; Republican; born in Fairfield, Vt., Oct. 5, 1830; was graduated at Union College in 1848; studied law, was admitted to the bar in 1854; and became a successful practitioner. He gained much celebrity in a suit which involved the freedom of some slaves, known as the "Lemmon case." He procured the admission of colored persons to the street-cars of New York City by gaining a suit against a railway company in 1856. Mr. Arthur did efficient service during the Civil War as quartermastergeneral of the State of New York. In 1872 he was appointed collector of the port of New York, and was removed in 1878. In 1880, he was elected Vice-President, and on the death of President Garfield, Sept. 19, 1881, he became President. He died in New York City, Nov. 18, 1886.

Veto of Chinese Immigration Bill.-On April 4, 1882, President Arthur sent the following veto message to the Senate:

"An act to execute certain treaty stipulations relating to Chinese," I herewith return it to the Senate, in which it originated, with my objections to its passage.

A nation is justified in repudiating its treaty obligations only when they are in conflict with great paramount interests. Even then all possible reasonable means for modifying or changing these obligations by mutual agreement should be exhausted before resorting to the supreme right of refusal to comply with them.

These rules have governed the United States in their past intercourse with other powers, as one of the family of nations. I am persuaded that if Congress can feel that this act violates the faith of the nation as pledged to China, it will concur with me in rejecting this particular mode of regulating Chinese immigration, and will endeavor to find another which shall meet the expectations of the people of the United States without coming in conflict with the rights of China.

The present treaty relations between To the Senate,-After a careful consid- that power and the United States spring eration of Senate Bill No. 71, entitled from an antagonism which arose between

our paramount domestic interests and our tempt to exercise the more enlarged pow previous relations. The treaty commonly ers which it relinquishes to the United known as the Burlingame treaty conferred States. In its first article, the United upon Chinese subjects the right of volun- States is empowered to decide whether tary emigration to the United States for the coming of Chinese laborers to the the purposes of curiosity or trade, or as United States, or their residence therein, permanent residents, and was in all re- affects or threatens to affect our interspects reciprocal as to citizens of the ests, or to endanger good order, either United States in China. It gave to the within the whole country or in any part voluntary emigrant coming to the United of it. The act recites that “in the opinStates the right to travel there or reside ion of the government of the United there, with all the privileges, immuni- States the coming of Chinese laborers to ties, or exemptions enjoyed by the citi- this country endangers the good order of zens or subjects of the most favored na- certain localities thereof." But the act tion. itself is much broader than the recital. It acts upon residence as well as immigration, and its provisions are effective throughout the United States. I think it may fairly be accepted as an expression of the opinion of Congress that the coming of such laborers to the United States, or their residence here, affects our interests and endangers good order through the country. On this point I should feel it my duty to accept the views of Congress.

Under the operation of this treaty it was found that the institutions of the United States and the character of its people and their means of obtaining a livelihood might be seriously affected by the unrestricted introduction of Chinese labor. Congress attempted to alleviate this condition by legislation, but the act which it passed proved to be in violation of our treaty obligations, and, being returned by the President with his objections, failed to become a law.

The first article further confers the power upon this government to regulate, limit, or suspend, but not actually to prohibit, the coming of such laborers to or their residence in the United States. The negotiators of the treaty have recorded with unusual fulness their understanding of the sense and meaning with which these words were used.

Diplomatic relief was then sought. A new treaty was concluded with China. Without abrogating the Burlingame treaty, it was agreed to modify it so far that the government of the United States might regulate, limit, or suspend the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their residence therein, but As to the class of persons to be affected that it should not absolutely prohibit by the treaty, the Americans inserted in them, and that the limitation or suspen- their draft a provision that the words sion should be reasonable, and should "Chinese laborers" signify all immigraapply only to Chinese who might go to tion other than that for "teaching, trade, the United States as laborers, other travel, study, and curiosity." The Chiclasses not being included in the limita- nese objected to this that it operated to tions. This treaty is unilateral, not re- include artisans in the class of laborers ciprocal. It is a concession from China whose immigration might be forbidden. to the United States in limitation of the The Americans replied that they could rights which she was enjoying under the not consent that artisans shall be excluded Burlingame treaty. It leaves us by our from the class of Chinese laborers, for it own act to determine when and how we is this very competition of skilled labor in will enforce those limitations. China the cities, where the Chinese labor immimay, therefore, fairly have a right to ex- gration concentrates, which has caused pect that in enforcing them we will take the embarrassment and popular discongood care not to overstep the grant, and to take more than has been conceded to us. It is but a year since this new treaty under the operation of the Constitution, became part of the supreme law of the land; and the present act is the first at

tent. In the subsequent negotiations this definition dropped out, and does not appear in the treaty. Article II. of the treaty confers the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which are accorded to citizens and subjects of the most favored

nation upon Chinese subjects proceeding cellencies to the end that a limitation to the United States as teachers, students, merchants, or from curiosity. The American Commissioners report that the Chinese government claimed that in this article they did, by exclusion, provide that obody should be entitled to claim the benefit of the general provisions of the Burlingame treaty but those who might go to the United States in those capacities or for those purposes. I acecpt this as the definition of the word "laborers" as used in the treaty.

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As to the power of legislating respecting this class of persons the new treaty provides that we "may not absolutely prohibit" their coming or their residence. The Chinese commissioners gave notice in the outset that they would never agree to a prohibition of voluntary emigration. Notwithstanding this, the United States commissioners submitted a draft in which it was provided that the United States might regulate, limit, suspend, or prohibit it. The Chinese refused to accept this. The Americans replied that they were willing to consult the wishes of the Chinese government in preserving the principle of free intercourse between the people of the two countries as established by existing treaties, provided that the right of the United States government to use its discretion in guarding against any possible evils of immigration of Chinese laborers is distinctly recognized. There fore, if such concession removes all difficulty on the part of the Chinese commissioners (but only in that case), the United States commissioners will agree to remove the word "prohibit" from their article and to use the words "regulate, limit, or suspend." The Chinese reply to this can only be inferred from the fact that in the place of an agreement, as proposed by our commissioners, that we might prohibit the coming or residence of Chinese laborers, there was inserted in the treaty an agreement that we might not do it.

The remaining words, "regulate, limit, and suspend," first appear in the American draft. When it was submitted to the Chinese they said: "We infer that of the phrases regulate, limit, suspend, or prohibit, the first is a general expression referring to the others. . . . We are entirely ready to negotiate with your Ex

either in point of time or numbers may be fixed upon the emigration of Chinese laborers to the United States." At a subsequent interview they said that "by limitations in number they meant, for example, that the United States, having, as they supposed, a record of the number of immigrants in each year, as well as the total number of Chinese now there, that no more should be allowed to go in any one year in future than either the greatest number which had gone in any year in the past, or that the total number should never be allowed to exceed the number now there. As to limitation of time, they meant, for example, that Chinese should be allowed to go in alternate years, or every third year, or for example, that they should not be allowed to go for two, three, or five years." At a subsequent conference the Americans said: "The Chinese commissioners have in their project explicitly recognized the right of the United States to use some discretion, and have proposed a limitation as to time and number. This is the right to regulate, limit, or suspend."

In one of the conferences the Chinese asked the Americans whether they could give them any idea of the laws which would be passed to carry the powers into execution. The Americans answered that this could hardly be done; that the United States government might never deem it necessary to exercise this power. It would depend upon circumstances. If Chinese immigration concentrated in cities, where it threatened public order, or if it confined itself to localities where it was an injury to the interests of the American people, the government of the United States would undoubtedly take steps to prevent such accumulations of Chinese. If, on the contrary, there was no large immigration, or if there were sections of the country where such immigration was clearly beneficial, then the legislation of the United States under this power would be adapted to such circumstances. For example, there might be a demand for Chinese labor in the South and a surplus of such labor in California, and Congress might legislate in accordance with these facts. In general, the legislation would be in view of and depend upon circumstances of the situation at the moment

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