a Methodist preacher from Alabama-was sent out, with some cavalry, with orders, publicly given at Knoxville, not to take him prisoner, but to shoot him at once. Informed of his peril, Brownlow, with other loyal men, secreted himself in the

WILLIAM GANNAWAY BROWNLOW.

tered the ministry of the Methodist Epis- burning, the Confederate Colonel Woodcopal Church, and was an itinerant for ten years. While on his circuit in South Carolina he opposed the nullification movement in that State (see NULLIFICATION), which excited strong opposition to him. About 1837 he began the publication of the Knoxville Whig, a political newspaper, which soon circulated widely, and, for its vigorous polemics, obtained for Brownlow the name of the "Fighting Parson." In 1858 he engaged in a public debate in Philadelphia on the question, "Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated?" in which he took the affirmative. When the secession movement began, he boldly opposed it, taking the ground that the preservation of the Union would furnish the best safeguard of Southern institutions, and especially of slavery. So outspoken and influential was Mr. Brownlow that, in December, 1861, he was arrested, by order of the Confederate authorities, on a charge of treason against the Confederacy, and confined in Knoxville jail, where he suffered much until released in March, 1862. Then he was sent within the Union lines at Nashville. Afterwards he made a tour in the Northern States, delivering speeches in the principal cities. At Philadelphia he was joined by his family, who had been expelled from Knoxville, where he published Sketches of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of Secession, with a Narrative of Personal Adventures among the Rebels. Brownlow was governor of Tennessee in 1865-69, and United States Senator from 1869 until his death in Knoxville, April 29, 1877. He was a man of fearless spirit, held such a caustic pen, and maintained such influential social and political relations that he was intensely hated and feared by the Confederates. The latter longed for an occasion to silence him, and finally they made the false charge that he was accessory to the firing of several railway bridges in eastern Tennessee to cut off communication between Virginia and that region.

Smoky Mountains, on the borders of North Carolina, where they were fed by loyalists. The Confederates finally resolved to get rid of this "dangerous citizen" by giving him a pass to go into Kentucky under a military escort. He received such a pass at Knoxville, and was about to depart for the Union lines, when he was arrested for treason. By the assurance of safety he had gone to Knoxville for his pass, and so put himself in the hands of his enemies. He and some of the best men in eastern Tennessee were cast into the county jail, where they suffered intensely. Deprived of every comfort, they were subjected to the vile ribaldry of the guards, and constantly threatened with death by hanging. Acting upon the suggestions of Benjamin, men charged with bridge-burning, and confined with Brownlow, were hanged, and their bodies were left suspended as a warning. In the midst of these fiery trials His life had been frequently Brownlow remained firm, and exercised menaced by Confederate soldiers, and, at great boldness of speech. They dared not the urgent solicitation of his family, he hang him without a legal trial and convicleft home in the autumn (1861), and went tion. They offered him life and liberty if into another district. While he was ab- he would take the oath of allegiance to sent several bridges were burned. Believ- the Confederacy. He refused with scorn. ing him to have been concerned in the To Benjamin he wrote: "You are report

ed to have said to a gentleman in Richmond that I am a bad man, and dangerous to the Confederacy, and that you desire me out of it. Just give me my passport, and I will do for your Confederacy more than the devil has ever done-I will quit the country." Benjamin soon afterwards indicated a wish that Brownlow should be sent out of the Confederacy, “only," he said, "because color is given to the suspicion that he has been entrapped." He was finally released, and sent to Nashville (then in possession of National troops) early in March, 1862.

about the same time; and by ten o'clock a pontoon bridge was laid, and a strong abatis for defence was constructed. The Confederates, bewildered, withdrew up the valley. Before night the left of Hooker's line rested on Smith's right at the pontoon bridge. By this operation the railway from Bridgeport well up towards Chattanooga was put in possession of the Nationals, and the route for supplies for the troops at the latter place was reduced by land from 60 to 28 miles along a safe road; and by using the river to Kelly's Ferry, to 8 miles.

Brownstown, MICH., BAttle at. See VAN HORNE, THOMAS B.

Brush, CHARLES FRANCIS, inventor; born in Euclid, O., March 17, 1849; was graduated at the University of Michigan in 1869. He was one of the earliest workers in the field of electric lighting, and invented the arc electric light. He is a fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and a lifemember of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. In 1881 the French government decorated him, and in March, 1900, he received the Rumford medal from the American Academy. Brussels Conference.

Brown's Ferry, SEIZURE OF. Gen. G. W. F. Smith undertook to open a more direct way for supplies for the National troops at CHATTANOOGA (q. v.). In cooperation with Hooker's advance on Wauhatchie, he sent General Hazen from Chattanooga, with 1,800 men in bateaux, to construct a pontoon bridge below. These floated noiselessly and undiscerned in the night (Oct. 26-27, 1863) down the Tennessee River, past the point of Lookout Mountain, along a line of Confederate pickets 7 miles in length. They landed at Brown's Ferry, on the south side, captured the pickets there, and seized a low range of hills that commanded Lookout Valley. Another force, 1,200 strong, under General Turchin, had moved down the north bank of the river to the ferry at SIONS.

REFORM.

See MONETARY

Bruyas, JACQUES. See JESUIT MIS

BRYAN, WILLIAM JENNINGS

In

The

Bryan, WILLIAM JENNINGS, politician; nomination, was awarded to him. born in Salem, Ill., March 19, 1860; was Sound-money Democrats repudiated the graduated at Illinois College in 1881, and nomination, organized the National Demoat Union College of Law, Chicago, in cratic party, and put forth a separate 1883. He practised in Jacksonville, Ill., platform and national ticket. The Popufrom 1883 till 1887, then removed to Lin- lists, however, adopted the Democratic coln, Neb., and was elected to Congress nominee as their own, but with a different as a Democrat, serving in 1891-95. candidate for the Vice-Presidency. Dur1894-96 he was editor of the Omaha ing the campaign that ensued, Mr. Bryan World-Herald, and in the latter year a made a speaking tour more than 18,000 delegate to the National Democratic Con- miles in extent. With virtually seven vention at Chicago. He there made a Presidential tickets in the field, Mr. Bryan notable speech advocating the free and as the Democratic and Populist candidate unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio received 6,502,925 popular and 176 electoof 16 to 1. The free-silver element in the ral votes, while Mr. McKinley, the Republiconvention was far stronger than the can candidate, received 7,104,779 popular leaders of the party imagined, and there and 271 electoral votes. In 1897 and the was as much surprise in the convention early part of 1898 Mr. Bryan delivered as out of it when its prize, the Presidential a number of lectures on BIMETALLISM

Spain he was commissioned colonel of the 3d Nebraska Volunteer Infantry. Neither he nor his regiment saw fighting during the war, both being held in reserve in the United States, with other regiments, at Camp Onward.

He

(q. v.). On the declaration of war against Committee on Resolutions adopted his draft of a tariff plank; but the same day he was defeated on the contested-seat cases in Illinois by a vote of 647 to 299. seconded the nomination of Francis M. Cockrell for the Presidency in a speech which electrified the great audience. AfThe Democratic National Convention ter Judge Parker's nomination Mr. Bryan

WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN.

pledged his support to the candidate.

The Cross of Gold.-At the National Democratic Convention in Chicago, in 1896, Mr. Bryan delivered the following speech:

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention, I would be presumptuous, indeed, to present myself against the distinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened, if this were a mere measuring of abilities; but this is not a contest between persons. The humblest in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error. I come to speak to you in defence of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty -the cause of humanity.

ciple.

When this debate is concluded, a motion will be made to lay upon the table the resolution offered in commendation of the administration, and also the resolution offered in condemnation of the adminisof 1900 made declarations antagonistic to tration. We object to bringing this quesPresident McKinley's administration, bas- tion down to the level of persons. The ing its chief opposition on allegations individual is but an atom; he is born, he that the Republican party had become acts, he dies; but principles are eternal; wedded to a policy of territorial expan- and this has been a contest over a prinsion, and to the encouragement of trusts. Mr. Bryan made another remarkable Never before in the history of this counspeaking tour, and neglected no oppor- try has there been witnessed such a contunity to expound the free-silver policy. test as that through which we have just The results of the elections were: For passed. Never before in the history of the Republican candidates, 7,217,677 American politics has a great issue been popular and 292 electoral votes; for the fought out as this issue has been, by Democratic candidates, 6,357,853 popular the voters of a great party. On the 4th and 155 electoral votes; showing an in- of March, 1895, a few Democrats, most crease in the Republican plurality over of them members of Congress, issued an that of 1896 of 246,025. Mr. Bryan soon address to the Democrats of the nation, afterwards established a weekly newspaper for the purpose of continuing his efforts in behalf of free silver.

asserting that the money question was the paramount issue of the hour; declaring that a majority of the Democratic Although it was evident long before party had the right to control the action the National Democratic Convention of of the party on this paramount issue; and 1904 that a large majority of the party concluding with the request that the bedesired the nomination of ALTON B. lievers in the free coinage of silver in PARKER (q. v.) for the Presidency, Mr. the Democratic party should organize, Bryan was clearly the most conspicuous take charge of, and control the policy figure in that assembly. On July 7 the of the Democratic party. Three days

later, at Memphis, an organization was his employer; the attorney in a country perfected, and the Silver Democrats went town is as much a business man as the forth openly and courageously, proclaim- corporation counsel in a great metropolis; ing their belief, and declaring that, if suc- the merchant at the cross-roads store is as cessful, they would crystallize into a plat- much a business man as the merchant of form the declaration which they had made. New York; the farmer who goes forth in Then began the conflict. With a zeal ap- the morning and toils all day-who begins proaching the zeal which inspired the in the spring and toils all summer-and crusaders who followed Peter the Hermit, who by the application of brain and muscle our Silver Democrats went forth from vic- to the natural resources of the country tory unto victory until they are now as creates wealth, is as much a business man sembled, not to discuss, not to debate, but as the man who goes upon the board of to enter up the judgment already render- trade and bets upon the price of grain; ed by the plain people of this country. the miners who go down 1,000 feet into In this contest brother has been arrayed the earth, or climb 2,000 feet upon the against brother, father against son. cliffs, and bring forth from the hiding The warmest ties of love, acquaintance, places the precious metals to be poured and association have been disregarded; in the channels of trade, are as much busiold leaders have been cast aside when they ness men as the few financial magnates have refused to give expression to the who, in a back room, corner the money sentiments of those whom they would lead, of the world. We come to speak for and new leaders have sprung up to give this broader class of business men. direction to this cause of truth. Thus has the contest been waged, and we have assembled here under as binding and solemn instructions as were ever imposed upon representatives of the people.

We do not come as individuals. As in dividuals we might have been glad to compliment the gentleman from New York (Senator Hill), but we know that the people for whom we speak would never be willing to put him in a position where he could thwart the will of the Democratic party. I say it was not a question of persons; it was a question of principles, and it is not with gladness, my friends, that we find ourselves brought into conflict with those who are now arrayed on the other side.

The gentleman who preceded me (exGovernor Russell) spoke of the State of Massachusetts. Let me assure him that not one present in all this convention entertains the least hostility to the people who are the equals, before the law, of the greatest citizens in the State of Massachusetts. When you (turning to the gold delegates) come before us and tell us that we are about to disturb your business interests, we reply that you have disturbed our business interests by your course.

We say to you that you have made the definition of a business too limited in its application. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as

Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon the Atlantic coast; but the hardy pioneers who have braved all the danger of the wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as the rose the pioneers away out there (pointing to the West), who rear their children near to Nature's heart, where they can mingle their voices with the voices of the birds-out there where they have erected school-houses for the edu cation of their young, churches where they praise their Creator, and cemeteries where rest the ashes of their dead-these people, we say, are as deserving of the consideration of our party as any people in this country. It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting in the defence of our homes, our families, and posterity. We have petitioned, and our petitions have been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have been disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; we entreat no more; we petition no more. We defy them.

The gentleman from Wisconsin has said that he fears a Robespierre. My friends, in this land of the free you need not fear that a tyrant will spring up from among the people. What we need is an Andrew Jackson to stand, as Jackson stood,

against the encroachments of organized wealth.

thority, seems to have differed in opinion from the gentleman who has addressed us on the part of the minority. Those who are opposed to this proposition tell us that the issue of paper money is a function of the bank, and that the government ought to go out of the banking business. I stand with Jefferson rather than with them, and tell them, as he did, that the issue of money is a function of government, and that the banks ought to go out of the governing business.

They complain about the plank which declares against life tenure in office. They have tried to strain it to mean that which it does not mean. What we oppose by that plank is the life tenure which is being built up in Washington, and which excludes from participation in official benefits the humbler members of society.

Let me call your attention to two or three important things. The gentleman from New York says that he will propose an amendment to the platform providing that the proposed change in our monetary system shall not affect contracts already made. Let me remind you that there is no intention of affecting these contracts which according to present laws are made payable in gold; but if he means to say that we cannot change our monetary system without protecting those who have loaned money before the change was made, I desire to ask him where, in law or in morals, he can find justification for not protecting the debtors when the act of 1873 was passed, if he now insists that we must protect the creditors.

They tell us that this platform was made to catch votes. We reply to them that changing conditions make new issues; that the principles upon which Democracy rests are as everlasting as the hills, but that they must be applied to new conditions as they rise. Conditions have arisen, and we are here to meet those conditions. They tell us that the income tax ought not to be brought in here; that it is a new idea. They criticise us for our criticism of the Supreme Court of the United States. My friends, we have not criticised; we have simply called attention to what you already know. If you want criticisms, read the dissenting opinions of the court. There you will find criticisms. They say that we passed an unconstitutional law; we deny it. The income-tax law was not unconstitutional when it passed; it was not unconstitutional when it went before the Supreme Court for the first time; it did not become unconstitutional until one of the judges changed his mind; and we cannot be expected to know when a judge will change his mind. The income tax is just. It simply intends to put the burdens of the government justly upon the backs of the people. I am in favor of an income tax. When I find a man who is not willing to bear his share of the burdens of the government which protects him, I find a man who is unworthy to enjoy the blessings of a government like ours. They say that we are opposing national bank currency; it is true. If you will read what Thomas Benton said, you will He says he will also propose an amendfind he said that, in searching history, he ment which will provide for the suspencould find but one parallel to Andrew sion of free coinage, if we fail to maintain Jackson; that was Cicero, who destroyed the parity, within a year. We reply that the conspiracy of Catiline and saved when we advocate a policy which we beRome. Benton said that Cicero only did lieve will be successful, we are not comfor Rome what Jackson did for us when pelled to raise a doubt as to our own sinhe destroyed the bank conspiracy and cerity by suggesting what we shall do if Javed America. We say in our platform we fail. I ask him, if he would apply that we believe that the right to coin and his logic to us, why he does not apply issue money is a function of government. it to himself. He says he wants this We believe it. We believe that it is a country to try to secure an international part of sovereignty, and can no more with agreement. Why does he not tell us what safety be delegated to private individuals he is going to do if he fails to secure an than we could afford to delegate to private international agreement? There is more individuals the power to make penal reason for him to do that than there statutes or levy taxes. Mr. Jefferson, who is for us to provide against the failure to was once regarded as good Democratic au- maintain the parity. Our opponents have