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(as follows) in the Emperor's own

name

While yet in our infancy we were by grace of the Emperor Tung Che chosen to succeed him in the heavy responsibilities of Head of the whole Empire, and when His Majesty died we sought day and night to be deserving of such kindness by energy and faithfulness in our duties. We were also indebted to the Empress-Dowager, who taught and cherished us assiduously, and to her we owe our safety to the present day. Now, be it also known, that when we were selected to the Throne it was then agreed that if ever we should have a son that son should be proclaimed heir to the Throne. But ever since last year (1898) we have been constantly ill, and it was for this reason that, in the 8th month of that year (the date of the coup d'état), the Empress-Dowager graciously acceded to our urgent prayers, and took over the reins of government in order to instruct us in our duties. A year has now passed, and still we find ourselves an invalid; but ever keeping in our mind that we do not belong to the direct line of succession, and that, for the sake of the safety of the Empire of our ancestors, a legal heir should be selected to the Throne, we again prayed the Empress-Dowager to carefully choose from amongst the members of the Imperial Clan such an one; and this she has done in the person of Pu Chun, son of Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan.

We hereby command accordingly (he continues) that Pu Chun, the son of Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan, be made heir to the late Emperor Tung Che.

Now the bearing of these utterances depends, like those of Captain Bunsby, on the application of them. The meaning read into them by all China seems

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to have been that the Empress intended to depose Kwang Su, make Pu Chun Emperor, and constitute herself Regent during the new minority. The anticipation evoked an outburst of loyalty to Kwang Su which surprised those who had doubted the existence of any public opinion among the Chinese. Kin Lienshan, district manager of the Imperial Telegraphs-whose name seems destined to come into notoriety along with that of Kang Yu-wei-promptly despatched, on behalf of 1,231 literati and gentry of Shanghai and the neighborhood, a telegram to the Princes and Ministers of the Tsungli-Yamen, in the following terms:

When we received the edict of the 24th inst., in which the Emperor proposed to abdicate on account of illness, we were amazed; and the mandarins, gentry and merchants from all the provinces residing in Shanghai became full of anxiety, and discussed the matter everywhere in the streets. We, therefore, wire to you to beg of you to be loyal and faithful, and, on behalf of the nation, to implore the Emperor not to think of abdicating, even though he should be unwell; so that the Empress-Dowager, at her advanced age, may not have the extra burden of ruling a distracted Empire, and so that the spirits of our ancestors may be at rest, and the people live in peace.

It was said that a number of the officials and gentry of Hupeh had taken similar action; and that the chief military officials at Nanking had protested to the Viceroy that they acknowledged only Kwang Su, and offered to take active measures on his behalf. It is significant, at any rate, "that a procla

however, a still clearer method of exhibiting the genealogical sequence. The children of a given generation have all the same appellative. The sons of Kiaking, for instance, were all Mien; the sons of Tao Kwang are all Yih; the sons of these Yih are all Tsai, and the sons of the Tsai are all Pu. Tung Che and Kwang Su were both Tsai. Any Pu is, therefore, eligble for adoption by either

as son.

...

mation purporting to emanate from one Hsu, who declares himself to be secretly ordered by the Emperor Kwang Su to "call on patriotic men to exterminate evil people," was widely distributed in Hankow. "The Emperor had (it is declared), ever since he held the reins of government, done his utmost to perform his duty, and the people are satisfied. . . . Recently he was forced to abdicate the throne by a number of treasonable men, who fascinated the Empress-Dowager. . . . On seeing that the Empress-Dowager is tyrannizing over the people, and giving away the territory to Russia, (Hsu) wished, long ago, to ask the Emperor's permission to clear off the evil people near him, but hesitated to do so lest the matter should leak out." Now, however, as all know that the Empress really intends to depose him without ground, "it is time to swear that we are not standing under the sun with her and her villains." A committee representing 80,000 Chinese residents in Siam telegraphed from Bangkok:

We, the loyal subjects of H.I.M. Kuang Hsu in Siam, learn with sorrowful surprise that an attempt is being made by certain traitors at Peking to destroy by poison our beloved Sovereign, and we would hereby warn Your Excellencies [i.e., the Ministers of the Tsung li Yamen], that, should our Emperor be murdered or deposed, an Army of Revenge from Siam alone will immediately return to China for the sole purpose of serving out justice to the two arch traitors, Prince Ching and Kang Yi, whom we deem the chief authors of all the sorrows and troubles of our beloved Emperor. We feel certain that the inhabitants of the length and breadth of the homeland will rejoice to help us in removing these

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traitors and their partisans forever from the Government.

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It is less surprising, perhaps, that Chinese residing in the Straits Settlements, in Australia and in California should have protested with equal emphasis against the deposition of a monarch whose only offence had been the advocacy of reforms which they had learned to appreciate and admire.

Such an explosion of remonstrance seems to have caused astonishment, as well as alarm and anger, at Peking. But the Empress was shrewd enough to perceive reason for pause. Instead of deposing the Emperor, she requested the Board of Ceremonies to decide upon a fitting manner of observing his birthday, and acquiesced in a demand by the Foreign Ministers to be allowed to pay him their compliments on Chinese New Year's Day (Feb. 19). But she turned her rage against the Reform Party, who are held responsible for the opposition. The first victim selected was Kin Lien-shan, whose arrest and execution were ordered-whether for signing, or only for forwarding, the Shanghai message, is not clear. Kin got warning, and fled to Macao. The instructions were passed on, therefore, to Canton; and the Viceroy, Li Hungchang, lost no time in formulating a request for his extradition on a charge of embezzling Tls. 38,000! The pretext is ingenious, as a political accusation would have been ignored, whereas the Portuguese could not well refuse to detain him pending the offer of evidence on a civil charge. It is by no means unlikely, even, that a man flying suddenly for his life may have left his accounts unsquared. Proof, however, not only of a deficit, but of animus furandi, will, doubtless, be required;

American, and Japanese Ministers at Peking, individually: "All Chinese communities beg you to use your influence to protect Kwang Su's life." Forty-six protests in all are said to have reached Peking within a few days.

there is a general conviction in China that Kin will receive short shrift if he touches Chinese soil, and the Portuguese will hardly surrender a man to death on a charge which they know to be merely a cloak.

Close upon the denunciation of Kin Lien-shan came a fresh exhortation to the great provincial officers to terminate, no matter how, the career of Kang Yu-wei.

Ever since the heinous crimes against the dynasty committed by Kang Yuwei and Liang Chi-chao, and their consequent proscription, we have repeatedly commanded the Viceroys and Governors of the maritime provinces to offer rewards for the capture of these two men, and also to buy the services of men to betray them to the authorities; but, so far, it seems, without any success. In the meanwhile these two have been inciting the Chinese of the sea coast and islands against us by their writings, and have even pub-, lished newspapers to propagate their treason for the success of their nefarious designs. Language is insufficient to express our indignation and anger at the conduct of these men. We, therefore, hereby again command the Viceroys and Governors of all Provinces to issue proclamations giving out in clear and plain terms that the Imperial Government guarantees a reward of Tls. 100,000 (about £15,000) to anyone, without distinction of class or social standing, who shall be able to hand over to the Authorities the ac

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"The ceremony of the 13th instant passed off extremely well. The Empress-Dowager made a most favorable impression by her courtesy and affability. Those who went to the Palace under the idea that they would meet a cold and haughty person of strong, imperious manners, were agreeably surprised to find Her Imperial Majesty a kind and courteous hostess, who displayed both the tact and softness of a womanly disposition. ladies were at first received in a hall in the gardens of the Palace, where they found the Empress-Dowager and the Emperor seated on a dais. A short speech of congratulation was read by Lady MacDonald as doyenne, and a brief reply made by the Empress-Dowager. ascended the dais, and spoke a few words to them, and placed a pearl

The ladies then the Empress-Dowager each in turn, embraced ring on the finger of

tual persons of Kang Yu-wei and Liang Chi-chao; or should these men be slain, it will only be necessary to have their bodies identified to receive the same reward now offered. To show the sincerity of the Imperial Government in its offer of reward, let the said amount of Tls. 100,000 be sent to the Shanghai Taotai, who is to hold the money ready for immediate handing over to the successful men as soon as the formality of identification be over, in order that there may be no unnecessary delay in giving the reward. Should official rank be desired in preference to this money, we will give high substantial rank, far above the usual habit of granting such, which will satisfy the desires of the most ambitious. [Even people found reading their writings are to be punished, and the writings themselves are to be burnt], in order to vindicate the dignity of the Imperial dynasty and quiet the hearts of the people.

Having regard to the theory that Chinese civilization came originally from Babylon, we may be pardoned, perhaps, for recalling how Nebuchadnezzar, in his rage and fury, commanded to bring Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego before him because they refused to worship the image which he had set up; but how the punishment designed for them miscarried, and the King fell, soon after, on evil days. The ladies of the Legations who were so impressed, sixteen months ago, by the Empress's affability may be surprised by the con

to each each. Her Majesty subsequently sent lady handsome presents of silk, a picture painted by herself, &c. The Emperor shook each lady by the hand. The ladies were afterwards entertained at a banquet in another hall by the ladies of the Court. The Empress-Dowager again appeared and drank a loving cup of tea with her guests. A letter of thanks for Her Majesty's gracious reception and presents was afterwards sent by Lady MacDonald to the Empress-Dowager on behalf of the foreign ladies attending the audience. The appreciation of the Empress-Dowager of this step on the part of the ladies was to-day conveyed to each Legation concerned by two of the secretaries of the Tsungli-Yamen, who were charged by Prince Ching to communicate Her Imperial Majesty's pleasure."-(China, No. 1 of 1900, p. 15.)

trast. But if Hell hold no fury like a woman scorned, what may we not expect from one whose position of power and personal liberty have been menaced, as well as her reputation flétrie?

These major proscriptions were followed by a decree sentencing three distinguished members of the Hanlin College (including one who was chiefly instrumental in negotiating the Peking Syndicate concessions) to imprisonment for life, a fourth to surveillance, and handing over a fifth for penalties to be subsequently determined-avowedly for "arrogant and boastful speech," "treasonable ideas," "extraordinary and crazy charges" against the Empress's chief advisers, etc., but really for progressive tendencies. Fifty more are said to have been since impeached, on a hint from the Empress that she did not believe those five could represent all the iniquity in such a nest. Orders were, it is alleged, received by the local Authorities to arrest certain prominent Reformers who reside in the Foreign Settlement at Shanghai; but the Taotai was more than unwilling to incur the friction which he knew the attempt would entail. They might be seized on chance opportunities, or obtained, perhaps, on trumped-up charges, but the Foreign Municipal Authorities would shield them, certainly, to the utmost of their power; and the Viceroy authorized him, apparently, to stay his hand pending further reference to Peking. Cases might be cited, also, of pressure on the families and kindred of men who are living abroad. There has been a general recrudescence of persecution, in fact, against persons suspected of leanings to reform; and a decree published in the Peking Gazette of the 20th February orders all the Provincial Magnates throughout the Empire "to carefully nourish the scholars and students within their jurisdictions, to provide

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orthodox books and classics for schools and colleges, to promote and recommend to the Throne really deserving scholars, but to summarily suppress all who try to become boasting demagogues. after the manner of such men as Kang Yu-wei and Liang Chi-chao."

I was permitted, last year, to depict in these pages the political situation which appeared to me to have been created by the combined effects of the Japanese War, of foreign encroachments and pressure, and of a domestic policy hostile to reform. The only change I would now make in that presentment is to deepen the shadows. The Empress's assurance that she was not antagonistic to reform, but desired to carry it out along lines more consistent with Chinese thought, has been discredited. The Reactionary policy of the clique with which she is identified seems, rather, to have been accentuated, and the spirit of enmity towards all who were associated with the reform movement embittered. An evident consequence has been to widen the rift between the Capital and the Provinces that was caused by the Emperor's supersession. The Empress thinks, evidently, that she can crush opposition; but experience has shown that movements of the kind are like rivers-which may be guided, as Yü is declared, in Chinese legend, to have guided the great rivers of China, by removing obstacles and deepening their channels "till the waters flowed peacefully into the Eastern sea;" but which are apt to burst through injudiciously constructed barriers and overwhelm everything in their course. The pressure to which the Imperial Government had been subjected from without is somewhat relaxed. Having ear-marked their respective spheres of interest, and obtained concessions of various privileges, the great European Powers chiefly in

1899. The Yangtze Region. By R. S. Gundry. September, 1899.

terested have been content to await developments and events. But the autonomy of the eighteen Provinces appears to be in less danger from unprovoked aggression than from the ignorance, corruption and incapacity of the Chinese Government itself. The removal of the Emperor from power, the reversal of his decrees and the envenomed persecution of his advisers have caused widespread dissatisfaction, which is only restrained from dangerous expression by want of cohesion and leadership. There is unrest from Shantung in the north to the great Kwang Viceroyalty in the south. risk that some new freak of the Reactionaries may consolidate this fluent matter is, at least, not negligible; nor can the risk that certain foreign Powers might be led to step in to maintain order, and gradually, perhaps, to assume administrative responsibility in certain districts, in given contingencies, be ignored.

The

We have heard, quite recently, for instance, of grave warnings addressed to the Imperial Government regarding the condition of affairs in the North, where an association, calling itself I Ho Chuan (lit. Righteous Harmony Fists), familiarly known as The Boxers, has been distinguishing itself by assaulting, pillaging and generally persecuting Christian converts. I have endeavored, upon former occasions, to explain some of the underlying causes of the perennial antagonism to missionaries, especially Roman missionaries and their converts in China. The remedy may be difficult to find, but it certainly does not lie in persecution; and it has always been believed that the trouble, anxiety and diplomatic embarrassment which riots superinduce must render the higher authorities, at least, unwilling to see them occur. The tacit complic

Chapters X. and XI., China, Present and Past. Chapman & Hall, 1895. V. also, Missionaries in China, by Alex. Michie: Stanford, 1891.

ity of the late Governor of Shantung in the proceedings of The Boxers seems, however, beyond doubt; so much so that when their misdeeds culminated lately in the murder of an English missionary, H.B.M. Minister demanded and obtained his recall. Yet the Empress has bestowed upon him the character Fu, signifying happiness-a wellrecognized mark of favor, which was recorded in the Court Gazette-and has named him Governor of Shanse, where he will be able to thwart the operations of the Peking Syndicate by various methods, overt and covert, which a Mandarin in high position can always employ. The appointment of the present Governor, Yuan Shikai, was thought to herald better things; for he not only ranks among the Empress's allies, but is credited with having at his disposal the most efficient body of troops in the north. He appears to have done little, however, towards suppressing the movement; and popular report explains his inaction by affirming that the Empress told him he would be held responsible if any disturbance ensued. It is scarcely surprising, under such circumstances, that the tacit sympathy, at least, of the Empress and her allies should be claimed for a Society whose program is avowedly anti-foreign. Placards frankly claiming this sympathy are said, indeed, to have been posted at Peking; and, though placards be ever so fallible, placards claiming to express the sympathies of the Empress are strong evidence, at least, of popular belief; for we may guess from the cases of Kang Yu-wei and Kin Lien-shan what might happen to people who interpreted them awry. Gentlemen who have heard the Chinese Minister descant pleasantly at our great industrial centres, on the enlightened purposes of his government, hardly conceived it possible, no doubt, that it should be so strangely engaged; but it is as well to realize that there are

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