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feller. In 1707 Sir Jonathan Trelawny, bishop of Exeter, appointed him one of the canons-refidentiaries of that church; and in 1709 Sir John Trevor, a great difcerner of men, and their abilities, was fo ftruck with his fame, and charmed with his eloquence, that he made him preacher of the Rolls chapel. This year he was engaged in a fresh difpute with Mr. Hoadley, concerning obedience, occafioned by his Latin fermon, intitled, Concio ad clerum Londinenfem babita in ecclefia S. Elpbegi.

In 1710 came on the famous trial of Dr. Sacheverel, whofe remarkable fpeech on that occafion was generally fuppofed to have been drawn up by our author, in conjunction with Dr. Smalridge and Dr. Friend. The fame year Dr. Atterbury was chofen prolocutor of the lower houfe of convocation, and had the chief management of affairs in that house. His favourite notion was, that the proceedings in convocation were to be juft the fame as thofe in parliament; and he endeavoured to maintain, "That as in a feffion of parliament, a prorogation puts an end to all matters not finished, fo that they were to begin all anew, the fame rule was to be applied to convocations." This being contrary to precedents, and the exprefs words of the royal writ, the bishops did not agree to it, but refolved to adhere to the method of former convocations. And this occafioned a difpute between the two houfes, which put a stop to all bufinefs; fo that they could not determine thofe points which had been recommended to them by the queen. The eleventh of May, 1711, he was appointed by the convocation, one of the committee for comparing Mr. Whifton's doctrines with thofe of the church of England; and in June following, he had the chief hand in drawing up A reprefentation of the prefent fate of religion, which was to be laid before her majefty. This piece was, by the moderate members of the convocation, regarded as a very partial and exaggerated account of the wickednefs of the times: however, it was agreed to by the lower house; but the bishops laid it afide, and ordered another reprefentation to be drawn, in more general and more modeft terms. This occafioned great difputes; but, in the end, Dr. Atterbury's draught was not prefented, though it was printed and difperfed about.

many things ran into great diforder; for it is an unhappy truth, that there was a kind of haughtinefs, and paffion for fingularity, in Dr. Atterbury, that where-ever he came, there feldom failed of being fome contention. Under the notion of allerting his rights and privileges, he fomented fo many difcords, that it was not eafy to allay them, This made Dr. Smalridge, his fucceffor in two of his preferments, complain of his hard fate, in being forced to carry water after him, to extinguish the flames which the turbulence of Dr. Atterbury's temper had unfortunately raifed. Some fay, that the ftrifes and difturbances were fo violent between him and the canons, who had long been used to the mild and gentle government of dean Aldrich, that it was thought advifeable to remove him fooner than was at first intended, by preferring him to the first vacant bishopric. However that be, the next year faw him at the top of his preferment and reputation: for in the beginning of June, 1713, the queen, at the recommendation of the earl of Oxford, advanced him to the bishopric of Rochester, and deanery of Westminster; and he was confecrated at Lambeth the 4th of July following. It has been faid, (though we know not with what truth) that he had in view the primacy of all England, and that his credit with the queen' and miniftry was fo confiderable, and his fchemes fo well laid, as probably to have carried it upon a vacancy, had not her majefty's death, upon the 1st of August, 1714, prevented him. At the beginning of the fucceeding reign his tide of profperity began to turn; and he received a fenfible mortification prefently after the coronation of king George I. when, upon his offering to prefent his majesty (with a view no doubt of ftanding better in his favour) with the chair of state and royal canopy, his own perquifites as dean of Westminster, the offer was rejected, not without fome evident marks of diflike to his perfon.

He was very intimate with the duke of Ormond, whom he advised to fly out of the kingdom, which he accordingly did. About the fame time broke out the rebellion in Scotland, during which bishop Atterbury gave an instance, if not of growing difaffection, at least of the highest imprudence, as well as unpardonable coolness and luke-warmness; at a time, when every when every man, church, where by his imperious conduct, friend of their country, whe

In 1712 he was made dean of Chrift

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who had not an abfolute averfion to the established government, should have overlooked all animofities and diftinctions, difregarded all flights and neglects, though unprovoked, and have given the fincereft proofs in their power of their good intentions; at a time, when every one should have eagerly fought, and gladly seized an opportunity of ferving that government, of giving all poffible affurance of their allegiance and fidelity to it, and have taken the utmost care that there might not be the fmalleft exception made to their conduct--Yet in fuch a time, bishop Atterbury, and, by his instigation, bishop Smalridge, refufed to fign the paper intitled, The declaration of the archbishop of Canterbury, and the bishops in and near London, teflifying their abborrence of the rebellion; and an exhortation to the clergy and people under their care, to be mealous in the difcharge of their duties to his majefty king George. They grounded their refufal on pretence of a just offence, taken at fome unbecoming reflections caft on a party, not inferior to any (they faid) in point of loyalty. The reader will find the words objected to in the note; and then he must be left to judge whether there be any thing in them fo exceptionable, as to countenance fuch a behaviour in fo critical a juncture of affairs, when the pretender's declaration was posted up in most market towns, and in fome places his title proclaimed; and whether this refufal was not one of the greateft affronts ever offered by a fubject to a fovereign?

He diftinguished himself in feveral debates; particularly when the riot at Oxford, on the prince of Wales's birth day, and the neglect of the University to cele brate it with the ufual rejoicings, came before the houfe of Lords: he spoke in favour

of the University, and endeavoured to juf tify the proceedings of that learned body. When the South-Sea affair came to be examined, and the conduct of the directors inquired into, he spoke with great energy against them, and compared thatfatal scheme to a peftilence. When the bill for allowing the Quakers to leave out in their folemn affirmation the words, "In the prefence of Almighty God," was under confidera→ tion, he made a speech, wherein he said, he was not for allowing that people any further indulgences than thofe they already poffeffed, which were very great, fince they could hardly come under the denomination of Chriftians. The earl of Ilay (late duke of Argyll) answered, “He wondered that reverend prelate should call in queftion, whether the Quakers were Chriftians, since they were so at least by act of parliament, being included in the toleration act, under the general denomi nation of Protestant diffenters." bishop replied, "It was against the standing orders of that august affembly to make any perfonal reflections; and he thought it a much greater indecency, to make a jeft of any thing that was facred; and that the calling the Quakers Ch-istians by att of parliament, was a fort of fide wind reficotion upon Chriftianity itself: however, he would let that país, and referve to an other opportunity what he had to offer against the bill." Accordingly, he afterwards endeavoured to prove from, fcrip ture and reafon, that the Quakers were no Chriftians, and was feconded and fupported by the earl of Strafford, lord North and Grey, and the archbishop of York +. The bill paffed however, but not without being protested against by feveral lords and bishops. Bishop Atterbury had a very

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They were as follow: "We are the more concerned that both the clergy and people of our communion fhould fhew themselves hearty friends to the government upon this occafion, to vindicate the honour of the church of England, because the chief hopes of our enemies feem to arife from difcontents artificially raised among us; and because fome who have valued themfelves, and have been too much valued by others, for a pretended zeal for the church, have joined with Papifts in these wicked attempts; which, as they must ruin the church, if they fucceed, fo they cannot well end without great reproach to it, if the rest of us do not clearly and heartily declare our deteftation of fuch practices." There was no occafion for bishop Atterbury, or bishop Smalridge, to take any notice of this paffage; for had they signed the declaration, the reflections here would have been their own on other perfons.

The Quakers of these days are perhaps much altered from the first founders of their fect; who, if they believed in fuch doctrines as authors relate, were certainly a Arange fort of Christians. Confult Ross's view of all religions, under the article Quaker.

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great share in drawing up the protefts, which were frequent every day; many of them he wrote himself with his own hand, and in general oppofed the meafures of the court. It is no wonder then that he objected to the order for entering protefts in a limited time, namely, before two o'clock of the next fitting day, which was moved for by the earl of Sunderland. He faid, if protests were limited to fo fhort a time, this was at leaft the way to make them crude and indigefted; and he thought it unbecoming the dignity of that auguft affembly, to have any thing entered upon their journals, which were records for afterages, before it had been duly confidered and well digested. Lord Cooper alledged, that the time being fo fhort, and very few lords coming fo early, such an order would in effect put an end to all protefting, which was an ancient privilege of that houfe. Other lords fpoke to the fame effect, but in vain; for the court had fecured a majority on their fide, who carried every thing, without paying much regard to the arguments of the oppofite party.

At last, in 1722, he was with several others apprehended, on suspicion of be ing concerned in a plot in favour of the pretender. Two officers, the under-fecretary and a meffenger, went about two o'clock in the afternoon, to the bishop's house at Westminster, where he then was, with orders to bring him and his papers before the council. He happened to be in his night-gown when they entered; and being made acquainted with their business, he defired time to drefs himself. In the mean time, his fecretary came in, and the officers went to fearch for his papers; in the fealing of which the messenger brought a paper, which he pretended to have found in a close-stool, and defired that it might be fealed up with the reft. His lordship obferving it, and believing it to be a forged one of his own, defired the officers not to do it, and to bear witness that the paper was not found with him. Nevertheless, they did it; and though they be haved themselves with some respect to him, they fuffered the meffengers to treat him in a very rough manner; threatening, if he did not make hafte to dress himself, they

would carry him away undreft as he was. Upon which he ordered his fecretary to fee all his papers fealed up, and went himself directly to the Cock-pit, where the council waited for him. The behaviour of the messengers upon this occafion feenis to have been very unwarrantable, as we are affured that the perfons directed by or der of the king and council to feize his lordship and his papers, received a strict command to treat him with great refpect and reverence. However this was, when he came before the council he behaved with a great deal of calmness, and they with much civility towards him. He had liberty to speak for himself as much as he pleafed, and they liftened to his defence with a great deal of attention; and what is more unusual, after he was withdrawn, he had twice liberty to re-enter the council chamber, to make for himself fuch reprefentations and requests as he thought proper. After three quarters of an hour's stay at the Cock-pit, he was fent to the Tower privately in his own coach, without any manner of noife or obfervation. This commitment of a bishop upon fufpicion of high treafon, as it was a thing rarely practifed fince the reformation, so it occafioned various fpeculations among the people. Those who were the bishop's friends, and claimed the greatest intimacy with him, laid the whole odium of the matter upon the miniftry. They knew the bishop fo well, they faid, his love to our constitution, and attachment to the Proteftant fucceffion; his profeffed abhorrence of popery, and fettled contempt of the pretender; and his caution, prudence, and cirumspection to be fuch, as would never allow him to engage in an attempt of fubverting the government, fó hazardous in itself, and fo repugnant to his principles and therefore they imputed all to the malice and management of a great minister of ftate, or two, who were refolved to remove him, on account of fome perfonal prejudices, as well as the constant molesta. tion he gave them in parliament, and the particular influence and activity he had fhewn in the late election. The friends to the ministry, on the other hand, were ftrongly of opinion, that the bishop was fecretly a favourer of the pretender's cause,

* It is faid, that while he was under examination, he made ufe of our Saviour's anfwer to the Jewish council, while he stood before them; If I tell you, you will not believe me; and if I alfo ask you, you will net anfwer me, nor let me go.

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and had formerly been tampering with things of that nature, even in the queen's time, and while his party was excluded from power; but upon their re-admiffion had relinquithed that purfuit, and his confederates therein, and became a good fubject again. They urged, that the influence which the duke of Ormond had over him, affifted by his own private ambition and revenge, might prompt him to many things contrary to his declared fentiments, and inconsistent with that cunning and caution which in other cafes he was mafter of. And to obviate the difficulty, arising from the bishop's averfion to po

pery, and the pretender's bigotry to that relig on, they talked of a new invented scheme of his, not to receive the pretender, whofe principles were not to be changed, but his fon only, who was to be educated a Protestant in the church of England, and the bishop to be his guardian, and lord-protector of the kingdom during his minority. These and many more fpeculations amufed the nation at that time; and men, as ufual, judged of things by the measure of their own affections and prejudices.

[To be concluded in our next.]

A DESCRIPTION of the MANNERS, RELIGION, CUSTOMS, &c. of the Inhabitants of WHIDAH on the Slave-Coaft.

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HE natives of Whidah are tall, well made, ftrait, and robust. Their complexion is black, but not so jet and gloffy as thofe of the Gold-Coast, and ftill lefs than thofe of Senegal, and the river Gambia. They excel all other negroes in industry and vigilance. Idlenefs is the favourite vice of the Africans in general; here, on the contrary, both fexes are fo laborious and diligent, that they never defift till they have finished their undertaking; carrying the fame fpirit of perfeverance into every action of their lives.

Befides agriculture, from which only the king and a few perfons of the first diftinction are exempted, they employ themselves in feveral kinds of manufactures. They fpin cotton-yarn, weave fine cottoncloths, make calabaffes, wooden velfels, plates, and dishes; likewife affagayes, finiths work, and many other things, in greater perfection than any other people upon the coaft. Whilft the men are thus employed, the women brew pito, a kind of liquor, and drefs provifions, which, with their husband's merchandize, they carry for fale to market. Both men and women are employed in fearch of gain, and their emulation is equal to their industry. Hence it is that they live well, nay fplendidly, when compared with the other negroes of the coaft. Labour is cheap here, the profits folely arifing from the unwearied induftry of the labourer; a common porter will run all day long, with a bur

then of an hundred weight upon his head.

Bofman fays, that the Whidanese in general exceed all the negroes he had feen, both in good and bad qualities. All ranks and degrees of them treat the Europeans with extreme civility, refpe&, and courtefy. Other negroes are eternally foliciting presents : the Whidans had rather give than receive. When the Europeans trade with them, they expect they should return thanks for the obligation, but their making a present to a white man, they value as nothing, and are displeased at any acknowledgment for a thing so trifling. They have an obliging and engaging manner of addreffing each other, and a degree of fubordinate respect proportioned to the quality of the person, that greatly astonished Bofman, among a rude people, as he at first imagined them to be. When any one vifits, or accidentally meets his fuperior, he immediately drops upon his knees, kisses the earth three times, claps his hands, and wishes him a good day, or good night; which the other returns in the posture he then happens to be in, by gently clapping his hand, and wishing him the same. The other all this while remains fitting, or proftrate on the earth, till the fuperior departs, unless fome urgent business calls him; in which cafe he makes his apology in the moft fubmiffive terms. The fame respect is fhewn to the elder brother by the younger, to fathers by their children, and by wo

men

men to their husbands. Every thing is delivered to, or received from a fuperior on the knee. Women do the fame to their husbands, adding, what is efteemed a mark. of ftill more profound refpect, the clapping together of both hands. When perfons of qual condition meet, they each fall down, clap their hands, and mutually falute; the fame ceremonies being nicely obferved and imitated by their feveral attendants, a whole retinue of a hundred persons being down at once on their knees; which might easily be mistaken for fome public act of devotion. If a fuperior fneezes, every one round him fall upon their knees, elap their hands, and wish him happiness. In a word, no part of the world is more. polite in external ceremonies than the kingdom of Whidah. Notwithstanding they may feem to be carried to excefs, they are productive of much good. They ferve to inftil into their minds duty to their parents, affection to their brothers, and affability to all mankind.

They are as much to be admired, tho' not commended, for their expertnefs at thieving, as for their politeness. On many eccafions their addrefs and refinement in this art are fo great, that one would willingly fustain a moderate lofs for the fake of the experiment. When Bofman was honoured with an audience of the king, 'his majefty told him, "That his fubjects were not like thofe of Ardrab, and other neighbouring kingdoms, where, on the leaft umbrage, they would poison an European. This, continues he, you have no reason to apprehend; but I would have you take particular care of your goods; for my people are born expert thieves, and will fteal from you while you are looking at them." This intelligence of the king was foon proved in numberless inftances, in which Bofman was a fufferer by their art. It is a vice engrafted in their nature, that, excepting two or three great perfons, has feized all ranks of men throughout the nation. There is little fecurity against their pilfering: locks and ftone walls avail not much. If complaint is made to the king, he orders the offender to be punished; but then no retribution is made, nor dare any one inform against the guilty, who is protected by the king's eldest son, a fharer in the general plunder; upon which he has a certain tax.

The natives of Whidah drefs better, and more fumptuously than any other nation on the coaft; but gold and filver orna

ments make but a very little part of it, their country producing none of the precious metals. They wear five or fix different fuits at a time, the uppermost being feven or eight yards long, which they wrap round them in a decent and becoming manner. None are permitted to wear red befides the royal family, but all other colours are free. Men, women, and children, have their heads close shaved, in which manner they go abroad under rain, wind, or the burning heat of the fun, without the fmalleft inconvenience; cuftom renders it familiar, and the practice hardens their confitutions. This was the univerfal method formerly, but now fome of them wear an European hat or feather.

The women here are exceedingly prolific, and the men vigorous and warm in their conftitution. In proof of this, Bofman affures us that the king affirmed to him, before his whole court, that one of his viceroys, who had lately triumphed over the enemies of Whidah, had in his army two thousand of his lineal offspring, fons, grandfons, and their children. He has frequently feen fathers, who had upwards of two hundred children. Upon interrogating a captain of the guards concerning his family, he replied with a figh, that he was unhappy in that particular, not having above feventy living. Bofman then asked how many had died, and he anfwered near the fame number. Thus a family of a hundred and forty children is by no means looked upon as extraordinary.

The women till the land as well as the men, unless they happen to be very beautiful; in this cafe they are maintained at home, with all the pomp of eaftern nations, but with the lofs of liberty alfo. They are neither permitted to go abroad, but in company with their husbands, and close shut up in their hamars, nor can they receive any male vifitors at home. Upon the leaft jealoufy or fufpicion, they are fold by their husbands to Europeans, If in this country one perfon debauches the wife of another, he muft himself not only fuffer death, but his whole family are involved in the confequences of his guilt. Touching the body, even accidentally, of any of the king's women, is often punished with death, always with the lofs of liberty; it is ufual, therefore, with all em ployed about the palace to keep continually calling out, as a warning to the wo

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