be glad to know, why it was not avowed; and, why, if it be proper that we fhould pay 1000l. a year to monfieur Verois, we fhould be made to believe that we pay it to George Charles. In fhort, Sir, as penfions are indifcriminately given for all purposes, upon all occafions, and to all perfons, both for lives and for years, I think it is a duty incumbent upon this house to addrefs his majefiy on this occafion, and to reprefent to him the real ftate of the kingdom, &c.' This propofal occafioned a long angry debate, which was thus concluded by Dr. L. I am extremely furprifed, Sir, at fome of the objections that I have heard made against the laying our complaints before the throne, by an addrels. We have been told that it is a delicate matter, and that we had better conciliate good will, than provoke refentment. Some oblique threatnings have also been thrown out, and an attempt has been made to over-awe us, by the dread of fome evils which it has been infinuated that this resentment may produce. But what opinion muft we entertain of his majefty, if we conceive these evils to be real, and this dread to be well-founded? It has already been observed, that his majefty has not the power to hurt us, being innocent; and, God forbid that we should fuppofe him to have the will. What can be more injurious to that amiable and beneficent character, for which he has ever been diftinguished, than to imagine that if we humbly apprize him of our fufferings, he will, not only leave us without redrefs, but punish us for complaining! His majefty, I am fure, would be greatly troubled if he thought we had difhonoured him by fo unworthy an opinion, and our fifter country would certainly confider our timid acquiefcence in public grievances without complaint, and our voluntary receding from our conftitutional dignity and privileges, as a reproach to us, and a bad omen to herself: for as we form together one aggregate, whatever weakens a part, muft neceffarily diminish the ftrength of the whole. I think, therefore, that, in duty to our conftituents, in friendship to Great Britain, and in honour to the crown, we should confent to this addrefs.'

The question being then put, it paffed in the negative 124 against 55.

Mr. P. then moved, That an humble addrefs of thanks be presented to his majefty for his gracious intentions towards this kingdom, concerning the not granting of penfions for lives or years, upon this eftablishment; fignified by one of his majefty's principal fecretaries of ftate to his excellency the lord lieutenant, and by him communicated to one of his majesty's principal servants in this kingdom, and by him to this houfe.' Mr. P. T. the A. G.

It is certain that no fuch addrefs can be prefented, confiftently with propriety, or the rules of parliament, for the subject of

it

it is not regularly before the Houfe, nor was ever intended to be fo. I thought it my duty indeed, to declare what I knew of a particular tranfaction, when I was called upon fo to do--[ did not say that any affurance came by order of the King, in a letter from a principal Secretary of State to the Lord Lieutenant [that his Majefty would not hereafter grant any more fuch penfions, except upon extraordinary occafions] but that his majefty had faid fo in a private converfation. Now, Sir, tho' his Majefty's gracious declaration, even in private difcourfe, deferves the greateft confidence, yet furely it is not a proper fubject for an addrefs of this houfe: for it is wholly unprecedented and unparliamentary, to found an address upon any thing that has not, in a public and folemn manner, been communicated to this house!'

Mr. P. replied, that he could not recollect that the honourable gentleman had been called upon either by himself, or by any other member, when he made the declaration in queftion, but that he did it voluntarily and from himself: that fuch declaration had moft affuredly influenced the houfe, many gentlemen having declared that their vote had been determined by it: that the mode in which the assurance had been communicated, was a matter of no confequence; the communication of it had had a powerful effect: therefore as the affurance had been thought to deserve confidence, he was of opinion that it deserved thanks: and that, as their farther proceedings to obtain a redrefs of the grievance of penfions had been topped by his Majefty's gracious declarations, it was but juft, both with refpect. to themselves and his Majefty, to let him. know it, that he might be fenfible of their confidence in him, and, at the fame. time, that they continued in the fame fentiments, as to penfions, after they relinquifhedtheir proceedings against them, which they entertained before: and were still of opinion, that they were repugnant to the honour of his Majefty, and the profperity of his people.'

Mr. H. F. (Henry Flood) then spoke to the following effect— As I troubled the houfe with my fentiments at large with refpect to penfions, on a former occafion, I had determined to fay no more on the fubject; yet I find myfelf forced from my refolution, for I have this night heard fuch things as would "cause the lips even of the dumb to fpeak." I have heard it infinuated, that we ought quietly and tamely to acquiefce in a grievance without complaint, for fear our complaint fhould be refented as an affront, and punifhed as a crime. But as I am injured in fuch infinuations in common with every fubject of this free ftate, and as I am reftrained by no fuch principles of flavish fear, I will complain of the injury I have received. To tell us that we ought to bend our neck to the yoke, merely be cause it is held out, is to fubvert our honour, and alienate our

birth-tight. The whole world, Sir, has a better opinion of the British conftitution, and of this national affembly; and, God forbid, that we should think unworthily of ourselves, that we should forfeit our privileges, or betray our truft! God forbid that we should fink into voluntary flavery, by a fupine timidity, that will render us contemptible even to our tyrants, and odious to the magnanimous nation which gloriously maintains that independance and freedom, that honour and thofe privileges, of which we seem not to know the value, and which if we give up, we shall certainly not deserve to enjoy.'

After a long debate, the question was put for the address and carried in the negative.

Mr P. then moved that an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majesty, most humbly to befeech his Majefty, that he will be graciously pleased to recall the penfion of 1000l. a year granted to George Charles, Efq; on the 15th day of laft July, for the term of 31 years, in truft for the Sardinian minifter, as a reward for negociating the late treaty of peace with France and Spain. This alfo paffed in the negative.

Nov. 29, 1763. the 29th day of the Seffion.

year,

The house refolved itself into a committee to take into confideration the loan bill-for enabling his Majefty to borrow the fum of 100,000l. that remained unborrowed of the 400,000l. which the crown had been empowered to borrow the laft if the ordinary fupplies fhould fall fhort. Mr. LO fpoke thus, I rife up to object to that claufe which alters the nature of the bill in which it is inferted, from all the bills of the kind that have ever been known before; for it makes it at once a loan bill and a bill of credit. That gentlemen may fee how different the credit given now is from the credit hitherto given to government, I fhall beg leave to ftate the progrefs of that credit in as regular and fuccinct a manner as I can. In the year 1715, a time when we were involved in all the danger and diftrefs of a rebellion, this house, fenfible of the uncommon exigencies of the ftate, gave an unlimited vote of credit to government; which, I hope, no fuch danger and diftrefs will ever make neceflary again. In 1733 another vote of credit was given; and another in 1741. The late very expenfive war, and the danger of an invafion from abroad, compelled the miniftry to represent to the lord lieutenant, the neceffity of putting the country in a state of defence; upon which, two applications were made to parliament, one in the year 1759, and the other in the year 1761, for the aid of confiderable fums, which were accordingly granted. Now, two things are to be confidered in the course of this credit. Firft, It was always given in confequence of an application from the miniftry to this houfe, in times of danger and difrefs; and fecondly, that the bill of aid went regularly

regularly through the committee of the whole houfe, and through all the forms which have ever been held effentially neceffary to a measure of fo much confequence to the nation. Neither would the application from government have been effectual, if it had been founded upon imaginary danger or chimerical wants. The house never opened the public purle till it was fully convinced of the reality of the exigencies that were fuggested; and, even then, it was done with all the caution, circumfpection and deliberation that becomes those who difpofe of money that has been depofited, as a truft, in their hands. But how different from all this is our prefent conduct! We now, when there are neither wars, nor rumours of wars, when there is no danger without nor any occafion of uncommon expence within; when his majesty has been graciously pleased to tell us, that nothing more than the ufual fupplies fhall be demanded, and recommends to us the leffening the national debt, we are now, without the leaft color or pretence, contrary to all precedent, and, in a most unparliamentary manner, granting an aid of 100,000l. without either folicitation or request, by lugging a clause into a loan bill, for that purpose. I am forry to say, that the introduction of this claufe has been managed when the house has been very thin, and when nothing of the kind was expected; and I moft heartily intreat that every gentleman of the few that are now prefent, would confider the fatal tendency of the meafure in queftion. Let us not lightly give up a prerogative on which our very being depends, the power we have over the public money, by letting it, as it were, flip through our hands, and, instead of giving it, fuffer it to be taken. From our tenacious care and cautious difpofal of the public money we derive power, both from the crown and from the people; the people think us worthy of confidence, and the crown, of attention. But if we give our money unafked, and unexpected, we undervalue our grants on one hand, and betray our truft on the other we lavish our treasure merely to make ourfelves cheap, and fo by one act become both poor and contemptible. Yet we fhould, even for the fake of the crown, and of our fifter-country, keep the power and importance that is ftill left us, and be faithful over our fingle talent, that in a day of danger and distress, fuch a day as we have seen, and fuch as we may fee again, we may have it in our power, not only to defend ourfelves, but to affift our protectors. But befides thefe ftrong, and, in my opinion, irrefragable arguments, against this vote of credit, for fo I muft call it, paffed in this manner, and at this time, there is the danger of the precedent, which fhould by no means be overlooked.The only pretence for the meafure from which all these evils will arife, is, that the duties may fall short of the fums that we have voted as a fupply. But as it appears from the

clofeft

closeft calculation I can make, that there is not the least danger of fuch a deficiency, I must put my negative upon the clause.' Mr. P. T. the A. G.

I entirely agree with the honorable gentleman, who spoke last with refpect to the methods ufually practifed in paffing votes of credit; but I am far from confidering the claufe, impowering his majefty to extend the 100,000 l. unborrowed of the aid granted the laft feffion to make good the fupply now granted; if the duties fhould prove deficient, as a vote of credit. I believe every gentleman muft allow that the house is under an indifpenfible obligation to provide for the civil and military establishment, and for the payment of intereft on the loan, befides the fums that have been granted for the improvement of the country: and, notwithstanding the calculation by which the honorable gentleman fays it appears that the duties will not be deficient for these purposes, I will take upon me to fay that they will be deficient.- -What then is to be done? We have but one alternative. We muft either lay on new taxes, or we must enable the crown to borrow now what we had enabled it to borrow before, and what, not having wanted, it had not before borrowed!

To this Mr. J- Fitz G- replied, in the following terms: "I am forry to say that I have the misfortune to differ from the very learned gentleman who spoke last, in every particular. I do not think that we are reduced to what the honorable gentleman is pleased to call an alternative of new taxes, or a vote of credit for 100,000 1. I fay a vote of credit, for fuch it appears to me. It has been infinuated that this vote of credit is to ftand in the place of new taxes: but I muft beg leave to fay, that it will make new taxes necessary; so that it is a fword with two edges drawn against this unhappy and diftreffed country: it is a new unprecedented, unparliamentary, and dangerous mode of giving the government power over the money of the public: and it is not only a certain source of new taxes, but a probable cause of their perpetuity. Is not intereft to be paid for this 100,0001? and how are we to raise money to pay this intereft, but by new taxes? Is not this intereft to be an annual burthen, till the principal is paid off? And, is it probable, that, if we proceed as we have begun, we shall be able to reduce our public debt? One of the the great evils of what is called borrowing and funding is, that the fame taxes must be levied in time of peace as during a war; and that the burthen laid on during the greatest exigency, must be continued on our shoulders, when the exigency is over. It is alfo equally true, and equally to be lamented, that by borrowing and funding, we fhall, in fo fhort a time as twenty years, have paid 40 s. in the pound for all the expences of state, even with respect to that part of the public debt, which we will fup

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