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fluence in maintaining the constitution that he conferred on his subjects. And the diplomatists of the various Catholic Courts, in combining their exertions for this important purpose, should scrupulously avoid every kind of stir and publicity, and most of all whatever might bear the appearance of any thing like compulsion.

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Lastly, it would be most desirable that the same Governments should dispatch to Rome persons of prudence, who would inspire the moderate party there with energy, to prevent proceeding to an absolute rupture with the Supreme Pontiff. His Majesty's Government believe, that by this course alone could the matter be fitly adjusted, in the interest alike of the Holy Father, of Religion, and of the Papal States. It is accordingly in this sense, that they have already instructed the King's representatives at Gaeta.

"I have pleasure in the hope, that the Spanish Cabinet will be disposed to believe this reply to be prompted by the same sentiments, which have suggested the praiseworthy idea contemplated by the project now before me. In this full confidence I avail myself of the present occasion to offer to you, Sir, the assurance of my most distinguished consideration.

"GIOBERTI,

"President of the Council, and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs."

The hopes, then, entertained at Rome were ill founded and those, who at the beginning of 1849 gave countenance to extreme courses, were out in their reckoning, as well as mischievous to freedom and to Italy. The members of the Constituent assembled in Rome without having taken steadily, if we except a few, to any resolution. But there the Republican agents, and the Committee for the Clubs of Italy, managed by Vannucci, De Boni, and Dal

longaro, got about them with every sort of influence, to bring them into their own scheme of proclaiming the Republic. The Deputies met, part at the residence. of the Sicilian La Masa, part at that of Beretta from Ancona; and some attended both the one and the other. At the first, where Canino presided, Republican sentiments and appetites prevailed. At the other, Mamiani used to take the chair, and the endeavour there was to prevent any attack on the Pope's Sovereignty or the proclamation of a Republic. The Provisional Committee of Government likewise gave out, that it was opposed to these extreme courses. Muzzarelli asseverated it, and Sterbini indicated too late a leaning towards prudence. But Accursi, himself managed by the Republican agents of Mazzini, wrought upon the conscience of Armellini, who was now busied in framing, after their wishes and perhaps partly in their words, the speech that he meant to pronounce before the Constituent Assembly.

To that we shall return, after having given further information about the negotiations which were going on at Gaeta.

CHAP. X.

REASON FOR GIVING COPIOUS INFORMATION AND DOCUMENTS ON THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT AT GAETA AND THE DIPLOMATISTS.COUNT MARTINI AT GAETA: LANGUAGE OF CARDINAL ANTONELLI. -INTERVIEW WITH THE POPE, AND HIS LANGUAGE. LANGUAGE

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OF COUNT SPAUR.—HIS PROCEEDINGS, AND THOSE OF D'HARCOURT. PROPOSALS OF GIOBERTI. — TEXT OF A DISPATCH FROM HIM. — OF ONE FROM CARDINAL ANTONELLI. -OF ONE FROM MUZZARELLI. REPLY OF CARDINAL ANTONELLI TO THE INSTANCES OF MARTINI. - REPLY OF THE HOLY FATHER: HIS EXPRESSION. - M. LATOUR D'AUVERGNE at Gaeta. -REMONSTRANCES OF FRANCE. -CARDINAL GIRAUD.-LANGUAGE OF COUNT LUDOLF.-FURTHER SCHEMES OF THE COURT.—MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA.-LUDOLF THE YOUNGER. MARTINI: DISPATCH OF GIOBERTI. -THREATENED PROTEST OF THE PIEDMONTESE GOVERNMENT. MARTINI RECOGNISED AS SARDINIAN MINISTER. LANGUAGE OF THE POPE. -ADVICE OF THE BARGAGLI AT GAETA.

PRUSSIAN ENVOY.

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LANGUAGE OF

PROTESTS OF TUSCARDINAL ANTONELLI

CANY AND PIEDMONT.
CONCERNING THE ONE AND THE OTHER. LANGUAGE OF THE
HOLY FATHER TO BARGAGLI. MONSIGNOR BEDINI DISPATCHED TO

FRANCE.PASSAGE FROM A RUSSIAN DISPATCH.

PROCEEDINGS

ACCU

OF CARDINAL ANTONELLI AND OF THE COURT OF NAPLES.
SANIONS AGAINST PIEDMONT BY THE MINISTRY OF NAPLES. RE-
SENTMENT OF THE PIEDMONTESE GOVERNMENT. — DISPATCHES OF
GIOBERTI.- COUNT ESTERHAZY AT GAETA.—CONSISTORY OF CAR-
DINALS, AND ITS DECISION. TERMS OF THE REQUEST FOR INTER-

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DISPATCH OF GIOBERTI.

NARRATIVE UP TO THIS POINT.

INFERENCES FROM THE

IF, on reverting to Gaeta, I still employ myself in gathering information and documents relating to the proceedings of the Court and the diplomatists, I hope to escape blame from those who are in quest not so much of an easy and flowing narrative, as of

materials for forming a solid judgment on the causes and relations of events. Those events, indeed, of which I treat in this Book have had, and still more perhaps will have in future, such influence on the destinies of civilisation at large, that the study of their sources and progress belongs rather to European, than to Roman or Italian history.

With the middle of November, then, ends that portion of the narrative, which may be called the epoch of the attempt to remodel the Popedom for political purposes, and to raise Italy to the condition of a free and independent nation. We now commence a period in the history of the Papacy, which, in relation to the people of its own States, to Italy, and to Europe, is wholly or mainly new. Every thing must now yield to the paramount spiritual sway of the Sovereign of Rome. His three millions of subjects, with Italy and freedom to boot, are but dust in the balance. It is no political struggle at all; it is a crusade to the tomb of St. Peter: the moving power is the same as before, only then towards the East, now in the West. The Roman agitators used to say, that the reaction had nestled at Gaeta, and they were right: but they failed to see, that this was the legitimate upshot of deeds which they had foolishly taken for aids and enlargements to liberty: they failed to see that the reaction was now no longer Roman or Italian, but European, or rather Catholic. A while before, they had hailed the anticipated alliance of two hundred millions of Catholics with the Sovereign of Rome; and did they then imagine that their political contest

with him could proceed and terminate without the verification of that augury? The true European reactionists (to express myself in the popular manner) are those, who, in the middle of November 1848, violently interrupted the reconstruction of the Popedom, and who, out of a civil, political, and Italian question, made one of spiritual order for all Catholic nations. Every man will ratify my judgment who does but elevate his vision beyond the narrow circle of our municipal feuds, and who, setting out from this movement in the affairs of Rome, follows it into the history of Europe. The only rational efforts that were made, from that time forward, to erect any barrier against the menaced reaction, were made after the 16th of November by those very Constitutionalists, whom the agitators dubbed reactionary; or were made by Piedmont, against which the complaints of that party were so loud. This has been shown by the information and the documents I have been able to furnish above, and it will become yet clearer in the sequel.

Count Enrico Martini, ambassador from King Charles Albert to the Pontiff, when on his way through Rome to Gaeta, had held such communications with the Constitutionalists, as were suggested by his Government, by his love for Italy, and by the mental qualities that adorned him. When he presented himself, on the 11th of January, to Cardinal Antonelli, he learned "that the Holy Father required a day or two for reflection before receiving him in the capacity of minister from the King," for these

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