able and the brave ones. The scourge of infamy is no respecter of crowns; history is not the adulator either of King or people. The Government of Naples, while with Russia and Austria it plotted against Italy, persecuted the men who, a year before, had saved the monarchy from popular resentment. It caused the crowd, who were celebrating the anniversary of the Constitution, to be dispersed by musketry. It purchased a corrupt and lazy rabble, to be the partner and tool of its vengeance. But the 1st of February arrived, without its finding the fortunes of Italy utterly ruined according to its wish. So it reopened the Parliament. The Chamber of Deputies resolved to submit to the Throne its complaints against the hated administration. But the administration, which set the Parliament at nought, and confined to given spots or imprisoned its members, took care that the King should not receive their representations and complaints. The conflict between right and cunning, reason and force, continued for forty days. Then, although the Chamber of Deputies had given proof of its political moderation in sanctioning the Electoral law promulgated by the Government after the 15th of May, and in granting authority to levy the taxes, the Parliament was dissolved on the 13th of March. The drunken soldiery, with some small refuse of bribed lazzaroni, made a gala of it by insulting the Deputies; and the King affronted the Almighty by a thanksgiving. Government then set about hunting freemen; and got up a mass of trials for treason, inventing the

The

crime, and purchasing accusers, informers, witnesses, and judges. All which will be clear enough in the sequel.

The Nea

After the French and English admirals had put an end to the scene in the Sicilian war acted by the royal troops at Messina, the diplomatists of those two nations had bestirred themselves to procure some terms of accommodation, with the wish that protocols, rather than arms, should end the contest. politan Government was wroth at not having free scope for its vengeance, and waxed more spiteful against England, which fettered it with negotiations. At length, in the beginning of March, the King was induced to offer an arrangement to the Sicilians, so the fleets of England and France made sail to Palermo, to propose a Constitution drafted in fifty-six Articles, and purporting to be based on that of 1812; "but with the modifications demanded by the change of circumstances, and by the legislation in vigour." Sicily was to be subject to the Crown of Naples, under a Viceroy, with powers defined by the King (that is, not at all). Liberty of the press there was virtually to be none, since by the Fourth Article the King reserved it to himself by "his plenary power" to make a "special" law for controuling its abuse. A Minister for Sicilian affairs was to reside with the King in Naples, and to be the protector and director of the Ministry in Sicily. The Peers were to be chosen simply by the King; the qualification for voters and representatives was to be one high in proportion to the property of the Island: the officers presiding

On

over the elections to be nominated by the King; the King to have power to dissolve the Parliament and convene a fresh one after the lapse of a year. the 28th of February, the English and French Ministers negotiated these conditions in Naples; and, on the 3rd of March, M. Rayneval wrote to Admiral Baudin

"These conditions are the best that the united efforts of France and England have been able to obtain. We have exerted ourselves to procure the utmost preponderance for the interests of Sicily, and we do not think it feasible to carry any fresh modifications. We have then to look on these terms as an ULTIMATUM."

And Admiral Baudin wrote as follows, on the 7th of March, to the Sicilian Minister of Foreign Affairs :

"The Governments of France and Great Britain, animated in common by good will towards Sicily, have made it their business to bring about a reconciliation between that country and the Kingdom of Naples, such as should insure to Sicily a free constitution, which for so many years she has ardently desired. The efforts of the two mediating Powers have been crowned with success. They have obtained from H. M. King Ferdinand II. an instrument, which guarantees to Sicily the basis of the constitution of 1812, with a separate Parliament and Ministry, and all public appointments to be held by Sicilians only. The Governments of France and England are therefore of opinion, that no serious obstacle any longer intervenes to hinder Sicily and the Kingdom of Naples from rivetting anew the bonds which have united the two countries under one and the same monarchy. Consequently, the undersigned Vice-Admiral has to hope that these terms, which he regards as perfectly fair and honourable, may be accepted, and that Sicily too may hasten to enjoy the boon of the institutions now tendered to her."

But Sicily refused the proffered terms; so the King of Naples was enabled to accomplish his designs : and he then reconquered her with but a slight exertion of force, on account of the feebleness of the defence, and the dissensions that had crept into Palermo. It may appear a political blunder that the Sicilians should not have come to terms: perhaps it was so; but, on the other hand, what terms could have been steady or secure under the word of King Ferdinand? Let Naples tell.

Tuscany had been prolonging by nervous twitches her slender existence: and her vainglorious regenerators had robbed her even of her ancient renown for refinement and hospitality, for the rabble had made bonfires of the newspapers, and of the effigies of the Constitutionalists, and had driven distinguished citizens into exile. The Journalists who boasted of the greatest liberalism had sneered at the venerable Capponi's blindness: the authorities published scurrilities against Gioberti, deprived Battista Giorgini, preeminent for his talent and public virtue, of his post as a teacher in the University of Pisa; suffered Lovatelli, the former President of Ferrara, to be injured and menaced by the licentious mob; threatened and expelled Massimo D'Azeglio, still suffering from the wounds he received at Vicenza, and done or allowed other acts of churlishness, say rather for Tuscany of barbarity, in the same dastardly kind. Vying with the King's lazzaroni at Naples, these lazzaroni of democracy so polluted Tuscany, that even Guerrazzi was indignant. On the 25th of

March, the Constituent met. On the evening of the 27th, it named Guerrazzi Dictator; and on the 4th of April, it decided against the union with Rome. Signal courage was shown in those first sittings by the physician Venturucci, who broke the thread of the debate to propose the restoration of the Sovereign under the Constitutional Statute. Now that Piedmont was beaten, and Europe uttering threats, Guerrazzi clearly saw that to be the only course remaining. The insurrection of Genoa, however, either revived his hopes of a general rising, or checked his wish for a restoration in Tuscany. He sent thither his agents with instigations and assistance; and he allowed Montanelli to exert himself there with effect in feeding and blowing up the flame. When, however, Genoa was reduced to tranquillity, and Montanelli was gone as Envoy to Paris, it would seem that the Dictator secretly promoted the plan of restoring the Constitutional Throne. But it was too late: the tumults ever reviving spread wider: the bands from Leghorn, while they composed them, kindled fresh hatred by their violence: that unruly and contentious tribe caused affliction to the gentler Tuscans, and resentment in the Florentine populace. During the Easter Festival they filled the taverns and the streets with scandals, and came to blows. On the 11th of April, some new squabbles gave rise to a popular outburst: the people of Florence sounded their bells, and took to arms to pay off the Leghorners. Civic blood was shed, and Guerrazzi, mounting on horseback, tried to make peace; but he was met with slights and blows, and