the Roman. These I think were they, but am no great authority on the subject. Under the dregs of this last, or Roman Empire, which is maintained yet by express name in Germany, Das heilige • Römische Reich, we poor moderns still live. But now say Major• General Harrison and a number of men, founding on Bible Pro'phecies, Now shall be a Fifth Monarchy, by far the blessedest ' and the only real one,-the Monarchy of Jesus Christ, his Saints reigning for Him here on Earth,--if not He himself, which is pro'bable or possible,—for a thousand years, &c. &c. - O Heavens,

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there are tears for human destiny; and immortal Hope itself is 'beautiful because it is steeped in Sorrow, and foolish Desire lies vanquished under its feet! They who merely laugh at Harrison 'take but a small portion of his meaning with them. Thou, with some tear for the valiant Harrison, if with any thought of him at all, tend thou also valiantly, in thy day and generation, whither 'he was tending; and know that, in far wider and diviner figure 'than that of Harrison, the Prophecy is very sure, that it shall be sure while one brave man survives among the dim bewildered 'populations of this world. Good shall reign on this Earth: has ' not the Most High said it? To approve Harrison, to justify Harrison, will avail little for thee; go and do likewise. Go and do better, thou that disapprovest him. Spend thou thy life for the Eternal: we will call thee also brave, and remember thee for a ' while !'

So much for that mistaken notion of the Fifth Monarchy:' and now his Highness, tragically audible across the Centuries, continues again :]

—Fifth Monarchy. A thing pretending more spirituality than anything else. A notion I hope we all honour, and wait, and hope for the fulfilment of:' That Jesus Christ will have a time to set up His Reign in our hearts; by subduing those corruptions and lusts and evils that are there; which now reign more in the world than, I hope, in due time they shall do. And when more fulness of the Spirit is poured forth to subdue iniquity, and bring - in everlasting righteousness, then will the approach of that glory be. [Most true;—and not till then!] The carnal divisions and contentions among Christians, so common, are not the symptoms of that Kingdom!—But for men, on this principle, to betitle themselves, that they are the only men to rule kingdoms, govern nations, and give laws to people, and determine of property and liberty and everything else,—upon

such a pretension as this is :-truly they had need to give clear manifestations of God's presence with them, before wise men will receive or submit to their conclusions! Nevertheless, as many of these men have good meanings, which I hope in my soul they have, it will be the wisdom of all knowing and experienced Christians to do as Jude saith. 'Jude,' when he reckoned up those horrible things, done upon pretences, and haply by some upon mistakes: "Of some," says he, " have compassion, making a difference; others save with fear, pulling them out of the fire."1 I fear they will give too often opportunity for this exercise! But I hope the same will be for their good. If men do but 'so much as' pretend for justice and righteousness, and be of peaceable spirits, and will manifest this, let them be the subjects of the Magistrate's encouragement. And if the Magistrate, by punishing visible miscarriages, save them by that discipline, God having ordained him for that end,-I hope it will evidence love and not hatred, 'so' to punish where there is cause. [Hear!]

Indeed this is that which doth most declare the danger of that spirit. For if these were but notions,-I mean these instances I have given you of dangerous doctrines both in Civil things and Spiritual; if, I say, they were but notions, they were best let alone. Notions will hurt none but those that have them. But when they come to such practices as telling us, 6 for instance,' That Liberty and Property are not the badges of the Kingdom of Christ; when they tell us, not that we are to regulate Law, but that Law is to be abrogated, indeed subverted; and perhaps wish to bring in the Judaical Law

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[Latest Commentator loquitur: This, as we observed, was the cry that Westminster raised when the Little Parliament set about reforming Chancery. What countenance this of the Mosaic Law might have had from Harrison and his minority, one does not 'know. Probably they did find the Mosaic Law, in some of its 'cnactments, more cognate to Eternal Justice and "the mind of 'God" than Westminster-Hall Law was; and so might reproachfully or admonitorily appeal to it on occasion, as they had the

1 Jude, 22, 23. A passage his Highness frequently refers to.

2 This fact, that they come so often to 'visible miscarriages,' these FifthMonarchists and Speculative Levellers, who 'have good meanings.'

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clearest title and call to do: but the clamour itself, as significant ' of any practical intention, on the part of that Parliament, or of any considerable Sect in England, to bring in the Mosaic Law, is very clearly a long-wigged one, rising from the Chancery regions, ' and is descriptive of nothing but of the humour that prevailed 'there. His Highness alludes to it in passing; and from him it was hardly worth even that allusion.']

-Judaical Law; instead of our known laws settled among us: this is worthy of every Magistrate's consideration. Especially where every stone is turned to bring in confusion. I think, I say, this will be worthy of the Magistrate's consideration. [Shall he step beyond his province, then, your Highness? And interfere with freedom of opinion?" I think, I say, it will be worth his while to consider about it!"]

Whilst these things were in the midst of us; and whilst the Nation was rent and torn in spirit and principle from one end to the other, after this sort and manner I have now told you; family against family, husband against wife, parents against children; and nothing in the hearts and minds of men but "Overturn, overturn, overturn!" (a Scripture phrase very much abused, and applied to justify unpeaceable practices by all men of discontented spirits), the common Enemy sleeps not: our adversaries in civil and religious respects did take advantage of these distractions and divisions, and did practise accordingly in the three Nations of England, Scotland and Ireland. We know very well that Emissaries of the Jesuits never came in such swarms as they have done since those things were set on foot. And I tell you that divers Gentlemen here can bear witness with me How that they, 'the Jesuits,' have had a Consistory abroad which rules all the affairs of things ["Affairs of things?" rough and ready !] in England, from an Archbishop down to the other dependents upon him. And they had fixed in England,—of which we are able to produce the particular Instruments in most of the limits of their Cathedrals or pretended Dioceses,'-an Episcopal Power [Regular Episcopacy of their own!], with Archdeacons, &c. And had persons authorised to exercise and distribute those things

1 Speculations of the Levellers, Fifth-Monarchists, &c. &c.

[I begin to love that rough-and-ready method, in comparison with some others!]; who pervert and deceive the people. And all this, while we were in that sad, and as I said deplorable condition.

And in the mean time all endeavours possible were used to hinder the work of God' in Ireland, and the progress of the work of God in Scotland; by continual intelligences and correspondences, both at home and abroad, from hence into Ireland, and from hence into Scotland.1 Persons were stirred up, from our divisions and discomposure of affairs, to do all they could to ferment the War in both these places. To add yet to our misery, whilst we were in this condition, we were in a foreign' War. Deeply engaged in War with the Portuguese;2 whereby our Trade ceased the evil consequences by that War were manifest and very considerable. And not only this, but we had a War with Holland; consuming our treasure; occasioning a vast burden upon the people. A War that cost this Nation full as much as the 'whole' Taxes came unto; the Navy being a Hundredand-sixty Ships, which cost this Nation above 100,000l. a-month; besides the contingencies, which would make it 120,000. That very one War (sic) did engage us to so great a charge.—At the same time also we were in a War with France. [A Bickering and Skirmishing and Liability to War-Mazarin as yet thinking our side the weaker.] The advantages that were taken of the discontents and divisions among ourselves did also ferment that War, and at least hinder us of an honourable peace; every man being confident we could not hold out long. And surely they did not calculate amiss, if the Lord had not been exceedingly gracious to us! I say, at the same time we had a War with France. [Yes, your Highness said so,—and we admit it!] And besides the sufferings in respect to the Trade of the Nation, it's most evident that the Purse of the Nation could not have been able much longer to bear it,—by reason of the advantages taken by other States to improve their own, and spoil our Manufacture of Cloth, and hinder the vent thereof; which is the great staple

1 Middleton-Glencairn Revolts, and what not.

2 Who protected Rupert in his quasi-piracies, and did require chastisement from us.

3 See Appendix, No. 30.

commodity of this Nation. [And has continued to be !] Such was our condition: spoiled in our Trade, and we at this vast expense; thus dissettled at home, and having these engagements abroad.

Things being so,—and I am persuaded it is not hard to convince every person here they were so,-what a heap of confusions were upon these poor Nations! And either things must have been left to sink into the miseries these premises would suppose, or else a remedy must be applied. [Apparently!] A remedy hath been applied: that hath been this Government;1 a thing I shall say little unto. The thing is open and visible to be seen and read by all men; and therefore let it speak for itself. [Even so, your Highness; there is a silence prouder and nobler than any speech one is used to hear.] Only let me say this, because I can speak it with comfort and confidence before a Greater than you all: That in the intention of it, as to the approving of our hearts to God, let men judge as they please, it was calculated 'with our best wisdom' for the interest of the People. For the interest of the People alone, and for their good, without respect had to any other interest. And if that be not true [With animation!], I shall be bold to say again, Let it speak for itself. Truly I may, I hope, humbly before God, and modestly before you, say somewhat on the behalf of the Government. [Recite a little what it "speaks for itself," after all?] Not that I would discourse of the particular heads of it, but acquaint you a little with the effects it has had: and this not for ostentation's sake, but to the end I may at this time deal faithfully with you. and acquaint you with the state of things, and what proceedings have been entered-into by2 this Government, and what the state of our affairs is. This is the main end of my putting you to this trouble.

The Government hath had some things in desire; and it hath done some things actually. It hath desired to reform the

Laws. I say to reform them [Hear!]-and for that end it

He means, and his hearers understand him to mean, Form of Government' mainly; but he diverges now and then into our modern acceptation of the word 'Government,' -Administration or Supreme Authority.

2been upon' in orig.