The military occupation and the act of taking definitepossession of the Island was formally notified to the Great Powers on the 11th of February, 1896; but the full difficulties to be encountered in dealing with this vast colony' were only beginning to become apparent to the rank and file of the French nation. First, as to the costliness of the expedition itself. The original credit of sixty-five millions of francs, voted in December 1894, had been added to in December 1895, when it amounted to eighty millions; and now again, in April 1896, the Chambers were asked to grant an additional thirteen millions, bringing up the total amount of the military portion of the expenditure to ninety-three million francs (3,700,000l.). The Radical Cabinet of M. Bourgeois had evaded their promise to bring the 'modified' Treaty before the Deputies for ratification, by cleverly substituting a Declaration,' which they declared did not require such sanction, although it recorded an annexation of territory. In like manner, when the debate on the last grant for the expenses of the expedition came before the Lower Chamber, all discussion was avoided by the introduction of an exciting interlude relating to Egypt. Later, the Senate refused to grant the vote to such a Ministry, which, after much bluster and with ill grace, was forced to acknowledge its defeat.

The Minister of War during the régime of M. Bourgeois was M. Cavaignac, an administrator of some capacity, who employed his term of office in organizing a Colonial army, the need of which had become apparent to all Frenchmen interested in the subject of Colonial expansion.' To M. Cavaignac we owe the publication of some statistics which assist us towards obtaining a glimpse of the dreadful ravages caused by malarial fever in the ranks of the expedition. Such statistics would never have been published by the Minister who had initiated the organization and dispatch of the force; but it was partly M. Cavaignac's object to point out the bad management of his military predecessors, partly to indicate how much better things could have been managed by a Colonial army directed by a civilian head of a department.

Madagascar will be dealt with through his intervention. The diplomatic and consular Agents of France in foreign countries will have charge of the protection of Malagasy subjects and interests.

ART. 3. The Government of the Republic reserves to itself the maintenance in Madagascar of the military forces necessary for the exercise of its authority. 'ART. 4. The Resident-General will control the interior administration of the Island. The Queen engages to introduce whatever reforms the French Govern- ment may judge useful for the economical development of the Island and for the progress of civilization.

ART. 5. The Queen's Government is prohibited from contracting any loan without authorization by the French Government. (January 18th, 1896.)'

At

At the commencement the number of combatants had been fixed at 15,000 men, of which 14,000 were regular troops from France and Algeria; to which number may be added 2,000 additional men sent from the Mediterranean, as reinforcements, during the course of the operations, besides 8,000 coolies, Kabyles and Sénégalais; in all 24,000 men. Hospital and infirmary accommodation was allowed for 12 per cent. of the force. The bulk of this army landed during March, April, and May. On the 21st of July, General Duchesne reported, 'L'état sanitaire est bon'; the proportion of sick on that date being 10 per cent. By the 25th of September, i.e. on the eve of the taking of Antananarivo, within seven months after the disembarkation of the first detachments, upwards of 3,000 sick and moribund had been transported back to their own countries. On that date the number of cases in hospital in Madagascar amounted to 5,470, plus about 1500 Kabyles, scattered at all points along the line of communications. So Dr. Lemure informs us; * and the same authority gives the following calculation of the daily death-rate.† March commences with * Madagascar-L'Expédition au point de vue médicale et hygiénique,' par le Docteur Jean Lemure. Paris, 1896.

one man per diem; in April the rate was doubled, and it was quadrupled in May; in June eight men were dying every day, in July twelve. At the beginning of August the rate had risen to twenty-four a day, and in the middle of the month increased to thirty, whilst by the end of the same month the cases had reached forty. Throughout the whole of September, Duchesne was losing forty-five men each day, and this rate was continued for October, when the record ends, although the deaths did not cease; but the worst places had been 'evacuated' by that time and the convalescents were being shipped home.

The march from Andriba to Antananarivo cost the lives of 600 men out of the ranks of the flying column alone from sickness, which was curiously attended by suicidal mania.

By the side of the above figures, the numbers of killed and wounded in action appear ridiculously insignificant. During the various skirmishes of the campaign the casualties amounted to twenty men and officers killed, and ninety-four wounded. Total casualties in action, 114. Of these it may be remarked that a large proportion was from the Sakalava battalions.

The return, lately issued by the French War Office, gives the total number of deaths from all sources during the war, as far as can be ascertained; but it is acknowledged that many deaths have occurred among all classes subsequent to their discharge to their own homes, of which no account can be taken. From this it appears that the number of Europeans who died from the effects of the campaign during and since the war amounted to 4,189. Of Europeans and non-Europeans 4,600 bodies were left in Madagascar, 554 were buried at sea, whilst the grand total gives the figures 5,592 as the expenditure of life during the war. Over one-quarter of the 24,000 men who embarked on this expedition were thus lost to France, whilst the health of at least double that proportion has been irretrievably ruined. The Republic has paid dearly for the declaration of the Queen acknowledging its possession of Madagascar. The cemeteries at Majunga, Ankaboka, and Suberbieville remain as monuments of the victory; for, as we are told by M. Lemure: 'Ainsi, cinq mille cadavres au moins sont restés dans la terre de Madagascar; dont trois mille soldats et deux mille auxiliaires.'

M. Hanotaux, who had sent out General Duchesne to enforce the Protectorate of France, during the time that he was out of office published a pamphlet, in which he pointed out the grave inconveniences to which the Republic has laid herself open by taking definite possession of the Island instead of contenting herself with the exercise of a more rigid form of Protectorate :

'Le

Le système du Protectorat n'engage que le pays soumis, dégage la mère-patrie, et, en assurant nos droits, limite nos devoirs et nos responsabilités. . . . Une terre devenue Française doit, hic et nunc, faire figure de pays civilisé . . . il reste beaucoup à faire, mais aussi il en coûtera beaucoup: l'île est grande.

Il saute aux yeux que, pour une œuvre aussi haute et aussi vaste, il ne suffit pas de recourir aux services du personnel indigène. Seuls des fonctionnaires Français peuvent la mener à bien. Ils sont partis déjà en grand nombre. D'autres suivront. La Résidence générale doit en imposer par la multiplicité de ses dignitaires, leur fonctions, leurs appointements, leurs titres, leurs uniformes, la belle ordonnance des "services" et des "bureaux." Nous aurons donc des ministres, des directeurs, des sous-directeurs et le reste. Ces emplois sont déjà occupés. Ils se multiplieront encore.' ('L'Affaire de Madagascar." 1896.)

Indeed M. Lebon, the present Minister for the Colonies, on taking office, found that his predecessor, M. Guieysse, had lately appointed, in addition to the already numerous staff of the Residencies, eighteen magistrates and nine greffiers for the Courts of Justice in Madagascar, at salaries amounting to 271,500 francs. M. Hanotaux enumerates a few of the officials who will be found necessary. 'Les douaniers seront innombrables: l'île est grande.'

Then again, whilst boná-fide French colonists are conspicuous by their absence, an army of outside adventurers is already invading the different ports along the extensive coast-line of the great island. Prospecting miners from the Cape, Australia, and America, Banians and Parsees from Bombay, Arabs, Comoro Islanders, Zanzibarites-all greedy for gain and wholly regardless of native rights-are crowding in, clamouring for concessions in the auriferous and forest regions. The Governments of these unwelcome foreigners have already addressed representations to the French Ministry concerning their former treaty rights in Madagascar. But, although M. Hanotaux has been able to obtain the assent of Parliament to a formal declaration that Madagascar and her dependencies form a French colony,* some time is likely to elapse before any reply to this important subject is received by the Great Powers. If France herself is doubtful as to how to deal with her conquest, it is manifestly impossible for us to judge how the Republic will govern the vast Island of Madagascar. Nous verrons!

The following 'Projet de Loi' was voted by the Chamber on the 20th of June-Article unique.-Est déclarée colonie française l'île de Madagascar avec les îles qui en dépendent.'

ART

ART. XII.-1. Sybil; or, The Two Nations. By Benjamin Disraeli. First Edition, 1845. New Edition, with an Introduction by H. D. Traill. London, 1895.

2. Democracy and Liberty. By William Edward Hartpole Lecky. London, 1896.

3. The Poor in Great Cities. London, 1896.

4. The Universities and the Social Problem. London, 1895.

HA

ALF a century has passed since the genius of Benjamin Disraeli, in its essence Oriental, yet Western enough to make him leader successively of both Houses of the British Parliament, threw into the form of fiction the most impressive instalment of his early reflections on the society and institutions of the country in which his grandfather had settled. All readers of 'Sybil' must agree with Mr. Traill in his Introduction to the new edition of that romance, that in it the note of sincerity is conspicuous. The author clearly felt the pressure of the Condition of England Question with a sympathy which went far deeper down than his mere artistic instincts, and revealed indeed a side of his character which both then and afterwards it was his habit to conceal.'

From that depth of feeling for the misery of the masses of the people, in the presence of rapidly accumulating wealth and of the external forms of political liberty, there sprang an appeal full of genuine eloquence. It was addressed to the aristocracy of England, and it asked them to take up their birthright of leadership. The writer, it is true, poured scorn upon the origins of many noble houses. His sketch of the rise of the Earldom of Marney on the foundation laid in sacrilege by the domestic of a favourite of Henry VIII.' is merciless enough to meet the fiercest craving of an English Roman Catholic for literary vengeance on the plunderers of monasteries. And yet it is the plain meaning of the author of 'Sybil' that, however unworthy may have been the deeds by which the positions of many great families were built up, the way is open to their present representatives to purge their escutcheons from stain by comprehending and fulfilling the true obligations of the stations they occupy. Not ruinous restitution for past wrongs, but frank recognition of present opportunities and calls, is all that is demanded from the hereditary possessors of great rank and wealth. To live for a good part of each year among their tenants and dependents; to maintain cordial relations, not of equality but of common humanity, with them and their neighbours of all classes; to understand them and their

needs;