means for regulating their rights and protecting them in the exercise of them, and their official agents are subject to their control. A simple application of this idea will determine whether our government is a republic or not. If the greatest good is secured to the greatest number; if the subdivision of land is so regulated and occupancy so protected that all citizens who desire it may have homes upon it; if all who produce wealth can hold and enjoy it; if transportation, travel, and communication for intelligence are secured at the cost of service; if in elections the voice of the people is fairly expressed; if the burden of revenue is borne by all according to their ability to pay; if labor and capital are united in one common interest; if social and educational institutions secure to the people the greatest blessings they are capable of giving— then we have a republican government. Such was the government contemplated a hundred years ago by the patriots. Inspired by the love of liberty and the divine heritage of human rights, they struggled with almost superhuman efforts, endured indescribable hardships, and made heroic sacrifices to gain for themselves and transmit to posterity the highest and noblest of earthly blessings-liberty, equality, fraternity, justice, secured by popular government. But before such government could be fully formulated and set in operation, and during its brief existence, by the intrigues and machinations of the enemies of free government, its aims were diverted and its purposes defeated. To show how far popular rights have been usurped, the following instance is given: In the last Congress an amendment to the post-office bill was offered, which provided, first, for an amendment to the charters of the Union and Central Pacific railroads; and second, for the reduction of compensation for carrying the mails on old-subsidy-and-land-grant railroads to fifty per cent of the rate paid on roads built by private capital. The arguments in support of the amendment were, that as the government had virtually built these roads by donating to corporations land and subsidy bonds amply sufficient in amount to cover all costs of construction and equipments, it had the right to demand the transportation of the mails over them at cost. But the argus eyes of corporations saw that it would never do to acknowledge the right or power of the government to lay its finger upon a corporate prerogative, no matter how justly or how much the public good demanded it; so through its Democratic mouth-piece, Abram S. Hewitt (son-in-law of the venerable Peter Cooper), in a tone of holy horror it wanted to know if the House felt prepared to begin the work of confiscating private property, which, when once approved by a vote of the House, would proceed with fearful strides until it ended in a logical result-communism." Through its Republican organ, Mr. Caswell, it was more defiant, and declared that the amendment would be inoperative, as it was a blow at the vested rights of those corporations, "which could not be taken away or invaded by Congress." Any regulation for the reduction of rates for transportation on those roads which were virtually built by the people is declared "confiscation of private property," resulting in "communism." This from the Democratic side of corporate power; on the Republican side, "a blow at the vested rights of corporations, which could not be taken away or invaded by Congress"! The definitions here presented show the necessity and importance of the people in taking immediate and determined action in the establishment of a government in which they will realize the blessings that justice, equality, and liberty give. The time must be near at hand, when the people, whose rights have been denied and their powers usurped by a confederation of corporations, will arise in their might, arouse their slumbering energies, and resolve that to secure the natural and inalienable rights they will demand such a government as will secure them; "laying its foundations on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Where a long train of abuses and usurpations, having invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them to absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and provide new guards for their future safety." This right, this duty, is as sacred and binding now as it was a hundred years ago The issues now involved are essentially the same; we have, however, this advantage: the foundation which they established, the Declaration of Independence, and the ballot, with which we may regain our liberties. The foundation is acknowledged by all, and the ballot is in the hands of enough to express the intelligence and enforce the will of the people, which constitute the power of the government. It only remains to test that intelligence and moral force of the people's will, for there is no obstacle that intelli gence and moral power cannot overcome. CHAPTER II. OUTLINES OF THE NEW REPUBLIC. "What constitute a state? Men, high-minded men, With powers as far above dull brutes endued, As beasts excel cold rocks and brambles rude; Men who their duties know, But know their rights, and knowing dare maintain; And crush the tyrant while they rend the chain ;- A GOVERNMENT founded on the natural rights of the people must have a system by which their will can be fully and fairly expressed. This requires political jurisdictions of two kinds; for organizations, like individuals, must have prescribed limits. First, primary, in which the people have direct and personal control over their local affairs. By this local government, the construction of roads, bridges, and the erection of buildings for public use, as schools, lyceums, and for public entertainment, conducting educational matters and all domestic affairs, are under the direct control of the people. The administration of justice in all civil and criminal matters, the abatement of nuisances and all other |