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the convention with their own order, to carry its deliberations.

"11. That to this end, when met, their first act was to form themselves into a secret conclave, knowing that if their attempts to change the national base from a republic to a mere constitutional government should get to the ears of the busy patriots, their scheme would not carry. Hence, the fifth rule in the order of business was, 'That nothing said or done in this convention should be communicated outside.' This done, the tory element prevailing, the attempt at revision was no longer thought of; and, ignoring all previous action of a national character, they went to work as though the United States had no previous existence, and they had met to give it birth and executive being.

66 12. That after four months of secret deliberation, our present Constitution was formed-except the amendments-and brought forward for the pop. ular patronage. The result has proved that this tory convention understood their purpose, and were adroit manipulators in changing the order of na tionality and government, that not a vestige of the original republic now remains."

CHAPTER V.

THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

"With treacherous art and traitor hand
Ambitious tyrants rule the land."

ALL things useful are liable to abuse; the evils of abuse are commensurate with the benefits of their use. The benefits secured by good government are only measured by the evils of bad government. How much of the one we may enjoy, or of the other we may suffer, will depend on the degree of wisdom the people bring to bear in their political affairs. The experience of a hundred years ought to lead to certain success. former ages rulers sought power by force of arms and intrigues of courts; but the arts of modern diplomacy, "bossism," lobbyism, and judicial legerdemain have superseded the old methods with an improvement that does credit to the new school of politicians.

In

Our patriot fathers gave us the Declaration of Independence, and in it set forth the principles of a true republic. The Articles of Confederation gave us, for a brief period and in an imper

fect manner, a republican form of government. They gave us the name, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, under the form of a compact govern

ment.

All

Each State retained its sovereignty. bodies, individual and political, must exercise sovereignty within their own spheres, for upon it unity depends. Local jurisdictions are sovereign in their local affairs. So are county and state. The Articles of Confederation did not confer national sovereignty in the exercise of those functions most essential to national unity and independence. The Confederation was a league of friendship and for common defense, without recognizing the necessity for a sovereign power to be exercised in their common interests and for their common good. A few years' experience showed the defects; the results of an attempt to remedy them have already been shown.

These Articles entitled the citizens of any State "to all the privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States," and the privileges of trade and commerce, "subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively," and "the right of requisition in case of fugitives.”

The delegates"in Congress assembled" were sent annually by the several States, not less than

two nor more than seven," with a power reserved to each State to recall its delegates or any of them at any time within the year, and send others in their stead for the remainder of the year."

No person was capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years.

Each State was to maintain its own delegates in every meeting of the States.

Freedom of speech and debate was guaranteed while in the discharge of their official duties, and adequate protection to their persons.

These provisions are in accordance with the true principles of republican government. Representation in the national legislative body is properly limited and regulated. The reservation of power to recall public servants and send others in their stead is most salutary and important.

It is an essential provision, based on the right of the employer to hold his employee responsible. Another provision is made by which the delegates are maintained by their respective States. The compensation of officers should be determined by the people, and specified in the Constitution of their government-an oversight, not one of the least of the defects of the federal organic law.

Power is delegated to be exercised for the

people's benefit, and should at all times be under their supervision and control, and returned at stated periods to the people, by the expiration of the term of office.

All the forces in nature move in cycles. The seasons come and go; the mists from the ocean's bosom are lifted by atmospheric pressure, and wafted by the winds to the mountains summits. They return in rivulets and streams to the source from whence they came, fertilizing the soil and beautifying the face of nature.

So of moral, social, and political forces in their rounds, peaceful, quiet, free. In a well-regulated government, with the expiration of the term of office the power delegated flows back to the people; but when no provision is made for such return, and power is suffered to be vested, retained, and exercised for the benefit of a privileged class, its return is sure, nevertheless. It is only delayed, yet when it comes, like the escape of pent-up waters, it brings violence and destruction in its course.

Revolution is the natural order of things, both in the domain of the material and moral world, and the law is alike in both. The normal condition is FREEDOM. All obstructions and interruptions produce violence alike in both. Common sense and experience would dictate measures

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