and thus save the agency of "middle men." Something like this established among the industrial classes will save to them the profits that now go to enrich a class of non-producers.

Where a remedy exists, let it be applied. But the grand remedy lies in the regulation and protection of natural rights. The free exercise of these will secure to all the greatest good, measured only by the capacity of the people.

In connection with this subject, it would be proper to notice the monopoly of the press. This is the worst of all monopolies, not only because it prevents the publication of journals on small capital, but because intelligence is monopolized.

The power of the press is everywhere acknowledged. If devoted to the interests and welfare of the whole, its power for good is immeasurable; and no less the evil if given to the service of corporate power and associated capital in the hands of the few. In this, as well as in other cases, large capital can only compete with large capital; but in this, the increase of capital offers peculiar facilities. The supply of published matter is increased without a corresponding outlay of expenditure. Thus the second thousand copies of a paper is attended with only the additional cost of paper, press-work, and the distribution. In case of fifty thousand copies, dividing the whole cost

by that number, the cost of one thousand would be much less proportionally than could be afforded for a single thousand copies. So the monopoly is made much easier than that of other enterprises.

In addition to this, the press caters to selfish interests, and is effectually controlled in the interests of the oligarchy, to monopolize the intelligence of the country and shape it so as to control public sentiment. We offer the following, copied from an Eastern paper, which will explain itself:

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"The real truth concerning the capitalistic press of America was uttered by a prominent New York journalist at a press dinner a short time since. The reunion on that occasion was of men who write and do the real work on the papers-the drudges. When the hackneyed and ridiculous toast, The Independent Press,' was proposed, the journalist referred to, being called on to respond, said he did not wish to do so, but the company insisted upon it with loud acclamations. He finally arose and said: There is no such a thing in America as an independent press, unless it is out in country towns. You are all slaves. You know it, and I know it. There is not one of you who dares to express an honest opinion. If you expressed it, you would know beforehand that it would never appear in print. I am paid $150 for keeping honest opinions out of the paper I am connected with. Others of you are paid similar salaries for doing similar things. If I should allow honest opinions

to be printed in one issue of my paper, I would be like Othello before twenty-four hours: my occupation would be gone.

"The man who would be so foolish as to write honest opinions would be out on the street hunting for another job. The business of a New York journalist is to distort the truth, to lie outright, to pervert, to villify, to fawn at the feet of Mammon, and to sell his country and his race for his daily bread, or for what is about the same-his salary. You know this, and I know it; and what foolery to be toasting an "Independent Press"! We are the tools and vassals of rich men behind

the scenes. We are jumping-jacks. They pull the string and we dance. Our time, our talents, our lives, our possibilities, are all the property of other men. We are intellectual prostitutes.'

"The bloom of sorrowful conviction fell upon the company, and the over-truthful journalist took his seat in profound silence."

The control of telegraphic communication in connection with the press places journalism beyond the control of the people. In this way public sentiment is swayed in spite of all efforts to prevent it.

Smaller enterprises are shut out because they cannot afford to publish at the rates of large establishments. Thus the press, a power of incalculable influence, aided by the telegraph, is made the instrument of tyranny and oppression.

What is the remedy for this great monopoly? Patronize publications that enlighten the people

and advocate their interests, that fearlessly discuss all questions connected with human welfare. Let the subscription lists of such papers be increased to tens and hundreds of thousands. Then they could be furnished much cheaper and become more efficient. Do the people consider that by supporting the subsidized press they furnish the weapons by which they are robbed, and bare their necks for the master's collar? Is it possible that they cannot see this?

The people's will, intelligence, and energy must combat the corporations' capital; and thus by united effort the monopoly of the press will be destroyed.

CHAPTER IX.

NATURAL RIGHTS CONSIDERED.

"If I'm designed yon lordling's slave-
By Nature's law designed-

Why was an independent wish
E'er planted in my mind?
If not, why am I subject to
His cruelty and scorn?

Or, why has man the will and power
To make his fellow mourn?"

NATURAL rights being founded on the necessities and requirements of life, and the sole and legitimate objects of popular government being their regulation and protection, it is proposed here to consider them in their relation to such government.

The right of personal liberty has been so thoroughly discussed and appreciated that little requires to be said in regard to it. The love of liberty is so intense that its protection is one of the first provisions of civilized life. The machinations of ambitious men have secured schemes for the accomplishment of their purposes in absorbing the fruits of labor, and the personal liberty of the wealth-producer is more favorable for that. Moreover, the interests of