bitious, and relentless, by which capital is fostered and protected and labor debased and despoiled.

These were never contemplated, nor even dreamed of, as the outcome of that memorable struggle for independence and freedom; but were the very results they strove so hard to prevent. That struggle must be renewed. Happily, we have the ballot yet, and this must be the instrumentality by which our independence and liberty are to be gained.

In contrast with the form and spirit of the Articles of Confederation, a review of the Federal Constitution is presented. The burden of effort by "eminent constitutional lawyers," as Judge Story, Daniel Webster, and others, has been to make it conform to "common law"; but so many-sided, complicated, and profoundly intricate are the subtleties that the greatest genius of any age or country is unable to cope with them, and we have questions of "constitutional law” that will remain forever unsettled.

A constitution that requires the talent of a Webster to interpret is not suitable for the people, for a thorough comprehension of the fundamental principles that enter into the structure of a popular government is essential to such government, and were no other objection open to it, that alone would condemn it. But aside from

this, there are many other serious and fatal ones. The most important are here enumerated.

It vests powers in the various governmental departments beyond the reach and control of the people, thus changing the form of government to a constitutional aristocracy. Ambitious and designing men seek positions at the heads of these departments, and thus exercise the functions of government in their own interest and for their sole benefit.

It complicates the legislative system by creating a senatorial branch, and rendering the election of Senators impossible by a popular vote. There can be no advantage in two distinct branches of one body.

"The objections against two Houses are, first, that there is an inconsistency in any part of a whole legislature coming to a final determination by a vote on any matter whilst that matter with respect to that whole is yet only in train of deliberation, and consequently open to new illustrations. Second, that by taking a vote on each as a separate body, it always admits of the possibility, and is often the case in practice, that the minority governs the majority, and that in some instances to a great degree of inconsistency. Third, two Houses arbitrarily checking or controlling each other is inconsistent, because it cannot be proved on the principles of just representation that either should be wiser or better than the other. They may check in the wrong as well as in the right, and therefore to give them the

power where we cannot give the wisdom to use it, nor be assured of its being rightly used, renders the hazard at least equal to the protection."-Paine's Rights of Man.

An instance illustrating Mr. Paine's third objection is found in senatorial interference early in the history of the Civil War. A bill passed the House of Representatives to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to issue legal-tender notes to defray the expenses of the war. That bill was "checked" in the Senate, robbed of its authority to issue such notes, and the result is, untold millions of debt, resulting in robbery and oppression on the one hand, and poverty, debt, crime, and misery on the other.

There are ample means for preventing evils in a single legislative body, and provisions for submitting any measure to the people for approval can be easily made.

Another serious objection to the senatorial branch is that its powers are employed by the wealthy and aristocratic classes for their special interest and benefit.

The following editorial extract from a leading Democratic journal, in commenting on the California (Democratic) legislative proceedings, says:

"Speaking generally, the Assembly did much better than the Senate. Its record on vital issues

is good. Had all the bills passed by it become laws, the rights of the people would have been better protected. The Senate has been the theater of manipulation and evil practices. Useful and essential legislation has in several instances been stifled."

It is no uncommon thing to "stifle' useful and essential legislation by senatorial "checks,' "manipulations," and "evil practices."

In the executive department excessive powers are vested. Beside the military and naval authority vested in the President, and the veto power by which he can render nugatory the action of Congress to the extent reaching a majority of two-thirds lacking one, the appointment of the judges of the United States Supreme Court and other Federal courts, and all foreign ministers and embassadors, he has the power to appoint a body-guard of one hundred thousand strong, of party supporters, over none of whom the people have any control.

In regard to the third (judicial) department, there is no necessity, on the assumption that the people are capable of self-government. Laws can be so clearly expressed that there is no need of supporting a costly institution, with an army of hungry cormorants attached, to explain what may be made plain to any ordinary mind.

"If we permit our judgment to act unencumbered by the habit of multiplied terms, we can per

ceive no more than two divisions of power of which civil government is composed; namely, that of legislating or enacting laws, and that of executing or administering them. Everything, therefore, appertaining to civil government, classes itself under one or the other of these two divisions. So far as regards the execution of the laws, that which is called judicial power is strictly and properly the executive power of every country. It is that power to which any individual has an appeal, and which causes the laws to be executed."-Paine's Rights of Man.

In this respect, as in all others, our government is made to conform to that of England, and the inevitable result is a condition of the people in all respects similar-so far as government is concerned to that of England.

A like system of land tenures, by which hundreds of millions of acres are held by a few, while millions of people are homeless and struggling in hopeless poverty, with all the evils of land monopoly rapidly increasing.

A like monetary system, by which the volume of currency is controlled by corporations for their own benefit.

A like system of legislation, by which two distinct legislative bodies are created to correspond with the House of Lords and House of Commons, by which legislation for the people is thwarted and schemes for enriching the few at the expense of the many made easy.