struction! These are undeniable marks of unprincipled ambition, and the facts which fupport them must be known by every man of common obfervation. Yet fuch is the influence of an avowed oppofition to tyranny, fuch the magic of heated declamations on Liberty, that men, with the beft intentions, are often perfuaded to follow the falfe colours of patriotifm, and to increase the force of thofe who are the enemies, not the friends, of Freedom. All governments are defective, all human inftitutions may be abufed, and the wifeft measures mifcarry: a factious man will therefore never want materials to inflame the minds of the people with a display of abufes, and plans of reformation. The adminiftration and conftitution of every country, it is true, fhould be rendered as perfect as poffible, (an object which leads many a good man to support a wicked faction): but then it fhould be confidered, whether the feafon will admit of the bufinefs of reformation, and whether the evils to be remedied will justify the danger of the medicine. It is a part of true wisdom, to attend first to things which most require and merit its care. It would be abfurd in a pilot to fix his mind on the ornaments of his ship when he was finking in a storm, or to quarrel with his feamen about rank and wages, when the diligence and attention of all would fcarce ly fave them from fhipwreck. Thus in the ftate, a prudent patriot will not think á time of calamity, when the nation is clofely preffed by foreign foes and obftinate rebellion, a fit season to create jealoufy and alarm, or to adjuft delicate plans of reform, at the risk of public harmony, of clogging the wheels of government, and of wafting the fpirit and ftrength of the ftate in domeftic difputes, when they fhould be employed against its foreign enemies. Thefe are principles which every man profeffes to hold, and yet the conduct of Oppofition has been a direct violation of them. Defeated often in their schemes to attain the confidence of the people, they have at laft devifed a plan, which, from its popular and feductive appearance, they confidently af fure themselves will be fuccefsful. But Latet anguis in herba. With the plaufible pretence of establishing economy, and checking corruption and venality, their fcheme is, to combine and affociate the people in all parts of the kingdom, and to form committees of correspondence,

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that by their joint force, and oppofition to government, they may effect a change of administration, or raise a confederacy which fhall dictate to the legislature, and exercise fupreme power in the state. This plan is difclofed to the public in the General Advertiser of Monday, Jan. 10. 1780, a paper notoriously under the direction of the faction, and I beg the attention of every reader to the extract as follows.

"The intention of calling together the nobility, gentry, clergy, &c. of the different counties, at this important crifis, is not to carry on the old firce of petitioning for what we know a corrupt miniftry will never grant, nor for the purpose of trufting to the obftinacy of an unfeeling k

for redrefs, but for the express purpose of redressing themselves. And to effect this great and conftitutional end, committees are elected by the unanimous voice of the people, to whom they delegate full power and authority to adopt whatever measures they may deem effectual for the falvation of this country, for the re-establishment of public liberty, annual parliaments, and an equal reprefentation of the people; and particularly to ftop the rapid progrefs of venality and corruption, by striking off unneceffary place men and proftituted penfioners; and if thefe bleflings cannot be ined from parliament, to form a national convention or congrefs, from the feveral counties, with the full powers to enforce fuch regulations as they may deem necessary for the welfare and exiftence of this country."

A.

To give a fanction and colourable pretence for affociations, one of the leaders of Oppofition, in a letter to the York committee, fays, "The legislature itfelf, under that baneful influence, is fo far degraded in the public confidence, as to be efteemed little better than the personal property of the minifter for the time being. and transferable to any fucceffor.". gain, "The attention of the whole body of conftituents throughout the kingdom to the prefent ftate of public concerns, and their interpofition in a conflitutional way, is now become a matter of the higheft and most important neceflity." One of the fame partyt, of fuperior rank and influence, alfo reprefents, that "he has a thorough conviction of the neceffity that the fense of the people should be • Vid. Hartley's Letter to the York com mittee.

† Duke of Richmond's Letter.

take

taken on the condition of their distracted affairs." He accordingly fummons them to meet," in order to confider what fteps it may be expedient for the county to take on the present critical fituation of public affairs."

But as men who are lovers of their country would not be easily led into a meafure fubverfive of all legal government, affociations are required with the plaufible pretence of effecting a plan of œconomy, cutting off all useless penfions, and curtailing all extravagant falaries : A confummation devoutly to be wished! But by what methods do they propose to effect it? Not by fubmitting the fubject to the free deliberation and wifdom of parliament; for that is unneceffary, as the Marquis of Rockingham and Mr. Burke had announced their intentions of making motions for this purpose immediately after the holidays; but by intimidating the legislature into the measure by powerful combinations:- A measure fubverfive of the conftitution, deftructive of liberty, and ruinous to the state. Parliament would thus become the mere regifter of the edicts of committees, and the fovereignty be transferred from the fenate-houfe to private cabals and felf created affemblies. The anarchy and confufion would then enfue which the legiflature was conft rated to prevent: for to remedy the uncertainty, delays, and tumult, of popular affemblies, the legislative power was vefted in parlia ment. But if parliament be bound to confirm and execute the decrees of popular affemblies, its deliberations are ufelefs, and it becomes a mere vox et præterea nihil.

Let it not to be faid, that the object of the prefent affociations is laudable, and they therefore merit the fupport of every good citizen: for if committees are to be the ultimate judges of the proprie ty and neceffity of public measures, whatever they pronounce to be fuch will be as binding as their present resolves, the authority being the fame, and parliament equally excluded from a right of diffenting.

For inftance, fhould the committees who infift on the prefent reform, adopt the fentiments of Lord George Gordon and the Proteftant affociations, and refolve with them, that the act granting relief to Papifts is fubverfive of our civil and religious liberties, the legislature muft comply with their demands in this, as much as in the former cafe, as they

will reft on the fame authority. Or fhould they proceed on the work of reformation, and insist on a triennial parliament, or the abolition of the privilege of boroughs to fend members, they will be equally juftifiable. Who fees not that the exercise of fuch a power will be fubverfive of the conftitution? Who will be able to fay to fuch combinations, "So far you fhall go and no farther?" The advances of fedition are gradual; but when it has once acquired the afcendency, no barriers can ftop its career. The factious will never want pretences to retain and exercise their power, and the work of reformation will go on till the conftitution and all legal government are refined away.

The progrefs of innovation in the reign of the unhappy Charles is too ftriking to be forgotten. The power that was at firft employed to remove real grievances, foon became unmanageable by those who had excited and directed it, and at laft destroyed the conftitution, and the liberties of the people. The fame arts kindled the rebellion in America, fuppreffed all conftitutional authority, and effected its independence. Committees of the people were at firft chosen to inftruct their representatives in the provincial affemblies, and an exemption from parliamentary taxation was their highest claim. Affociations, and committees of correfpondence, were then formed, to keep up an union in the different colonies. A congrefs of deputies from each was the next meafure. The congrefs, fupported by the multitude, foon affumed exclufive legiflation, and the provincial affemblies became ufelefs. The people were then led on from claim to claim, till the curtain was drawn, and independency proclaimed.

Such inftances will make every lover of order, and good government, cautious how he concurs in erecting an unconftitutional power in the ftate, which may overturn its liberties, or at least endanger its fafety. For if afsociations of men adverfe to the measures of government, and under the influence of Oppofition, continue to be formed, to correfpond, and increase in ftrength, men of different fentiments will find it neceffary to affociate alfo. Committee thus will be raised against committee, and the ftate be enfeebled by difcord, at a time when unanimity is effential to the com mon fafety.

Από

And furely the urgency and importance of the cafe did not demand movements of this extraordinary and dangerous nature. No proof has been given, that the prefent parliament is lefs free and independent than any former one. The people have the fame power as heretofore, of chufing their own reprefentatives, and discarding those whom they dare not truft. The falaries and perquifites of office are fuch as were enjoyed by the men who now complain of their exorbitance, and by those who carried us fo gloriously through the laft war. The civil lift is no higher than parliament laft year judged it reasonable and liberal to make it: A juft and honourable act, when we confider the happy increase of the Royal household, and his Majefty's generofity in furrendering the hereditary revenues of the crown, (which amounted to 800,000l. per annum, in the reign of George II. fometimes to a million), in order that they might be made part of the finking fund for the discharge of the national debt. No inftances have been 'produced of an improper expenditure; and we have the greatest reason to expect the contrary, from a prince, who gave fo illuftrious a proof of his attachment to liberty, and impartial justice, by making the judges independent [23.159.]. There seems therefore to be no fufficient caufe for fuch violent and extraordinaty measures, especially as the fubject was before parliament, the proper affembly for the difcuffion of fuch queitions.

But there is much ground to fuppofe, that public good was not the aim of the men who projected this plan; but, their uniform with, to embarrass government, and acquire power. Why elfe were these schemes of frugality neglected when they held the helm? Why did they not then begin the work of reformation? Why have they chofen a time for this bufinefs when all the wisdom and unanimity of the state are requifite for our defence against foreign foes? when de lay, distraction of councils, and civil difcord, may be our utter ruin?

I am far from denying, that many men of the ftricteft integrity, and with the nobleft intentions, have concurred in the measure. They will foon be called upon to proceed a ftep farther, either to fall upon a plan to enforce their petition, or, fhould it be granted, to co-operate in fome new reformation. Let them, then, VOL. XLII.

Mon

Onfieur Le Roy, the French King's engineer, employed in drawing mafts from the Pyrenees, fays, that in the year 1774, a favage, or wild man, was difcovered by the fhepherds who fed their flocks in the neighbourhood of the foreft of Yuary. This man, who inhabited the rocks that lay near the forefts, was very tall, covered with hair, like a bear; nimble as the Hifars; of a gay humour, and, in all appearance, of a mild character, as he neither did, nor feemed to intend harm to any body. He often vifited the cottages, without ever attempting to carry off any thing. He had no knowledge of bread, milk, or cheese. His greatest amusement was to fee the fheep running, and to fcatter them; and he teftified his pleasure at this fight by loud fits of laughter; but never attempted to hurt them. When the fhepherds let loofe their dogs after him, he fled with the swiftnefs of a racer, and never allowed the dogs to come near him. One morning he came to the cottage of fome workmen; and one of them endeavouring to get near him, and catch him by the leg, he laughed heartily, (and then made his efcape. feemed to be about thirty years of age. As the foreft in queftion is very extenfive, and has a communication with the vaft woods that belong to the Spanish territories, it is natural to fuppofe, that this folitary, but chearful being, had been loft in his infancy, and had fubfifted on fruits and herbs. [11.404.]

He

[How wild men are produced in the immenfe forefts on the continent, has hitherto escaped the vigilance of natura lifts; but that there are such, the present inftance, added to that of the wild man brought over from the forefts of Germany as a prefent to K. George 1. con firm. Gent. Mag.]

PAR

ranean, as Naples, &c. and Portugal, whofe interpofition against us was every day to be expected. There were but two methods, as he had previously obferved, if this war was to be perfevered in; and those were, economy, and a felection of the wifeft heads into all the departments of administration. The ftate he had given of our finances fufficiently demonftrated the neceffity of the former, and the experience of past times had often evinced the excellent effects arifing, even in the moft defperate emergencies, from the latter.

His Grace difclaimed any perfonal intention in the motion he should propose; one main purport of which was, he faid, to procure a reduction of the civil lift, which was now by a late grant of parliament [39. 297, 8.] increased to the enormous fum of 900,000l. He declared he did not wish to abridge his Majesty of a. ny part of his ftate and splendour, or any of his perfonal enjoyments; but, in matters of great national importance, he thought it was always proper that the example should be fet by the crown.

After a great variety of arguments in fupport of the neceffity of commencing to reform, and to œconomife; and that not partially, but on a broad, general, and univerfal plan, his Grace concluded his fpeech with moving,

"That an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, to befeech his Majefty to reflect on the manifold distreffes and difficulties in which this kingdom is involved, too deeply felt to ftand in need of enumeration.

To reprefent, that amidst the many and various matters that require reformation, and muft undergo correction be. fore this country can rife fuperior to its powerful enemies, the wafte of public treafure requires inftant remedy; that profufion is not vigour; and that it is become indifpenfably neceffary to adopt that true œconomy, which, by reforming all ufelefs expences, creates confi. dence in government, gives energy to its exertions, and provides the means for their continuance.

Humbly to fubmit to his Majefty, that a confiderable reduction of his Majefty's civil lift would be an example well-becoming his Majefty's paternal affection for his people, and his own dignity; would not fail of diffufing its influence through every department of the ftate; and would add true luftre to his crown from the

grateful feelings of a diftreffed people.

To affure his Majefty, that this House will readily concur in promoting fo defireable a purport; and any one of its members will chearfully fubmit to fuch reduction of emolument, in any office he may hold, as his Majefty in his royal wildom máy think proper to make."

Lord Stormont perfectly agreed with the Noble Duke in all his premises, but totally diffented from the juftice or expediency of his conclusion. He was well aware, that economy, the moft rigid œconomy, was ftrictly neceffary through all the branches of government: but, ftrongly as he was disposed towards the practice of economy, he never could think fuch a commencement in the obfervation of it as the Noble Duke had recommended, either honourable or politic.-For what inference would not other nations, and the enemy particularly, deduce from our having recourse even to his Majefty's household expences? Would they not think we were at the laft edge of diftrefs? and might they not be ftimulated into unthought of exertions from that confideration?-for that would be the time, they would naturally fuppofe, to crush us totally; and that he very well knew was the ambitious aim of the prefent treacherous and formidable confederacy.-What alfo would be the effect of this proceeding upon the people? Defpair, the only thing wanting to complete the lift of our misfortunes, would be the neceffary refult of the Noble Duke's expedient; and therefore that expedient was, in his opinion, a meafure of all others the most carefully to be avoided.-Concerning what the Noble Duke had faid respecting the resources of this country, compared with thofe of our enemies, he had only to observe, that he did not think that that comparifon proved any thing: the arguments deduced from it had no application, admitting all the calculations in which these arguments were involved to be in all refpects fair and accurate; for the queftion at prefent was, Shall we perfevere in a war entered into on the moft honourable grounds, or shall we fubmit to a disgraceful peace? The latter meafure was reprobated by every body: what then was the other alternative?Why, to profecute the war.-That being admitted, any reprefentation of the inferiority of our finance was unnecell C &

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