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north, in giving their fuffrages, decla- without being obliged to force her way red, that the ftipulated fuccours ought through the Auftrian Netherlands, as to be furnished to his Britannic Majefty, formerly, by the befieging of one forin the apparent danger his European do- tified town after another. In the mean minions were in of being attacked by time, it was the opinion of many among France. After that, the court of Lon- them, that if they exerted their whole don intimated, that he did not infift ftrength, they might ferve both their further upon the fuccours ftipulated, as best friends and the general cause of matters then stood; which gave great Proteftantifm; but that upon fuppofipleasure in the United Provinces, as it tion of their lying fupinely by, if their freed them from a great imbarrassment. Britannic and Pruffian Majefties fhould Some time after the treaty between be crushed, they would be abfolutely at the courts of Vienna and Versailles was the mercy of a Popish confederacy; openly avowed, and the French had in- and if these princes fhould find means vaded Minorca, his Pruffian Majefty to extricate themselves out of their difasked the States-General, in what man- ficulties without them, they would have ner they intended to behave, in cafe he no reason to expect great favour from fhould be obliged to come to an open either. The towns of Amfterdam, Dort, rupture with the house of Austria, and Harlem, Gouda, Rotterdam, and fhould at the fame time be attacked by Enckhuyfen, came to a previous refoFrance, in confequence of that treaty; lution against complying with the requiand the British minifter at the Hague fition, in which they treated G. Brimade requifition of the fuccours by both tain's claim to fuccours in a pretty smart fea and land ftipulated by the treaty manner. The body of the Nobles were of 1678. The King of Pruflia after- of a quite different opinion from that of wards demanded, in his own name, a thofe towns; but were not able to carry speedy and pofitive declaration, Whe- their point against them. It is in the ther their High Mightineffes would power of Amsterdam alone to be a dead grant to the King of G. Britain those weight upon any measure. In the mean fuccours? or whether they would refufe time, that is the place where the party them, and for what reafons? It was in the interest of France most prevails, added, that the King of Pruffia, provi- and where the Princess Governante has ded they would, with a good grace, fur- almost nothing to say. That town has nish the fuccours ftipulated, offered the from time to time prevented any refolurepublic his fupport and affiftance against tion being taken to augment the landany power whatsoever that should mo- forces of the republic; and the weaker left her on that account. It may well he is in that refpect, the deeper imbe fuppofed, that by this time the que- preffion muft the threats of her powerful stion did not merely relate to those fuc- neighbour make upon her. The recours; but that it was wanted to be public's marine is in a low condition, known, whether the joint influence of confifting of but few fhips, thefe geneG. Britain and Pruffia could poffibly in- rally little, and having moft of their duce the Dutch to take fuch a step as guns of so small a bore, that, in the premight be a plain indication of attach- fent ftate of things, they could pafs for ment to their particular interefts, and little better than good privateers. I of a vigorous refolution to join in fup- the United Provinces the people are di porting the general cause of Proteftant vided into two parties. Thofe of the ifm, which thofe powers reckoned to be one wish to throw off the ftadtholderian in imminent danger. If their High government, and therefore take part Mightineffes were intimidated by the with the French, who they know favour menaces of France before the treaty of their defire; thofe of the other want to Verfailles, they had more reafon to be retain that government, and confequentfo afterwards, when that power could ly incline to the intereft of G. Britain, march troops directly to her frontier, which theylook upon as one of its fupports.

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wars. Had the affairs of the British colonies in North America been managed according to any confiftent and regular plan, as the French have fhewn thofe of their plantations to be, one would be apt to think that they should, though at a confiderable expence, have been the first to form a strong barrier of forts near the utmost limits of the territories fur. rendered to them by the natives; as along the fouthern banks of the river St Lawrence, the eastern at least of the lake Ontario, at the pafs of Niagara, along the western banks of Lake Erie, and down fuch branches of the Miffifippi as they were intitled to; that they should have caufed good roads be made from proper places on the sea-coast to thofe feveral forts; that new-comers fhould have been obliged to settle at or near thofe roads, and gradually increase the cleared grounds on each fide; that the country in general should have been obliged to put the new fettlers, who in that cafe would always happen to be next the woods, in a good "posture of defence against a fudden attack; and that cross roads fhould have been made afterward, at proper diftances and in proper directions, to have the cleared grounds from time to time enlarged on each fide of them, in like manner. This was far from being the cafe with the British colonies. Not only did various religious principles and ufages prevail in them severally, but they reckoned themselves to have different, nay fometimes clashing interefts. The old colonists took care of themselves, the new took their ftation as near them as they conveniently could, and for the most part every one did what he thought best for himself. Governors of a particular turn of mind would zealously labour to caufe them mind the public good of a colony, and even that of the colonies jointly; but the mercy of fuch patriotic governors was not always laid to their hands, and they feldomer improved it as they ought. When fuch a difjointed flate of things is duly considered, we cannot be much furprised at what the French officers, in their overflowing of fpirits, told Col. Washington in 1753,

We ufually fuppofe, that those who may become our readers at the beginning of any year, know fo much concerning the most important late public transactions in GREAT BRITAIN, as that they will be able to connect with them the future articles of news to which they relate.

It is therefore now proper to conclude with taking notice of a few things refpecting PLANTATION affairs. So much has been faid and written within thefe few years concerning the importance, rife, and progrefs of the difputes between the British and French in North America, that there is no Briton who at all interests himself in public matters, but muft know something of the subject. It is generally known, that ever fince the conclufion of the laft war, the French have been carrying into execution a fettled plan for erecting, all along the back of the fettlements actually made by the British, being a vaft length, a chain of forts, from their colony of Canada on the north, to that of Louifiana on the fouth. That plan is now in a manner completed. By this means the British are already almoft quite cut off from all trade with the diftant Indians; and many of the nearer ones have been partly feduced, partly forced, not only to break off all friendly correfpondence, but to affift in diftreffing them. The British affert, that feveral of thofe forts are built upon territories formally furrendered to them by the tribes of Indians to whom they formerly belonged; and this the French, in juftification of their own conduct, are obliged to deny. Befides the chain by way of the lakes Ontario and Erie, and down the branches and body of the river Miffifippi, the French erected, on the fouth of the river St Lawrence, and to the north or north-weft of the lands actually fettled by the British, one fort at Crown-point on the Iroquois lake, reckoned to be far within the province of New England or New York; with one upon St John's river, and two without the ifthmus of Chinecto, the three laft being on grounds which the British infift were formally ceded to them by treaty at the end of Q. Anne's

when

when he went a good way back into the country to learn what was tranfacting, namely, that though their people in that quarter were few in comparison of those of his country, yet they would do their business before the British colonies could agree on any vigorous measure to oppofe them. The French having begun hoftilities in the fummer of 1754, against Col. Washington with a fmall body of Virginians, on lands which the British reckoned their property, the latter began, in 1755, to exert themfelves a little for afferting their rights. One army was to be employed towards the river Ohio, in the back part of Virginia; another towards Niagara, a French fort between the lakes Erie and Ontario; a third against Crown-point; and a fourth in Nova Scotia. The laft mentioned army was first in motion; and before the end of June, those who acted on that fide had made themselves mafters of the fort of Beausejour without the ifthmus of Chinecto, another fort on the river Gafpereau, and a third at the mouth of St John's river. Into the first of these the British put a garrison, it be ing much better than the fort they for merly had within the isthmus, and demolished the two laft. Nothing further of any confequence was done in that country, except that about 2500 of the French neutrals, as they are called, were shipped off, to be diftributed among the fouthern British colonies. Gen. Braddock fet out for the Ohio, at the head of about 2000 British regulars, and fome provincials from Virginia, Maryland, and Carolina, a confiderable time before the other two armies were ready to act in concert with him. After he was far advanced, he divided his army, leaving about 800 men to follow with moft of the waggons, and marching on the firft divifion haftily and incautiously, till, on the 9th of July, he was unawares attacked in a pafs, by a body of French and Indians, who fired from behind trees and other covers. The British were foon thrown into fuch confufion as obliged them to make a precipitate retreat, leaving behind them all their cannon, provifions, and ftores, VOL. XIX.

with 25 officers, and about 600 private men fallen, not one of whom was ever after heard of alive. Having left a garrifon in Fort Cumberland near Wills's creek, the remains of this fhattered army marched to Philadelphia, in order to be employed as occafion might require. It was fome time in August before Gen. Shirley, with the troops of the middle provinces, got to Ofwego, a British fort on the lake Ontario. Inftead of proceeding to Niagara, which by that time was reinforced by most of the French who had formerly been upon the Ohio, he only gave orders for the erecting of two new forts for the ftrengthening of Ofwego. Late in the year Maj.-Gen. Johnfon marched towards Crown-point, with a body of New-Englanders and New-Yorkers. He had a road to cut through the woods at the great carrying-place, and forts to build for fecuring a communication and retreat, and fo proceeded but flowly. It appears to have been awkward in the conduct of the British, that their several expeditions were made at a confiderable distance of time one after another; by which means, excepting in Nova Scotia, the French had always an opportunity of collecting their main force in the place where it was moft neceffary for their affairs. On the 8th of September an action happened between the British colonists, under Gen. Johnson, and the French commanded by Gen. Dieskau, who came on purpose to attack them. The aggreffors met with fo warm a reception as obliged them to retire with confiderable lofs. Gen. Dieskau himfelf mortally wounded, with about thirty others, most of them dangerously wounded, were made prifoners; and, to the reproach of French politeness towards Gen. Braddock's army, moft humanely treated.

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During these tranfactions, fome of the Indian tribes between the French forts and the British fettlements wavered much in their fentiments and conduct, according to their different views of intereft and felf-prefervation. In fummer 1755, the Shawanese and Delawares, on the back of Penfylvania, upon

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fome difguft openly joined the French, and did a great deal of mischief in that province, where the ufe of even defenfive arms is declined by the bulk of the people, being Quakers.

Much in this manner ftood matters in thofe parts at the commencement of laft year. Through the winter, frequent advices were fent us of great preparations making for acting vigorously the then enfuing campaign. Both arms and money were early fent over to them from G. Britain. Confidering the scarcity of fpecies in the British plantations, the remittances of that kind which have been made, and the general humour of traders, it is to be prefumed, that many people there would not care how long the war were carried on, did they not apprehend themselves to be in danger, notwithstanding what their neighbours might fuffer; and it is certain, that great numbers in the British colonies have already been ruined through the selfishness of their fellow-colonists.

Some more British troops having been fhipped off for America, they got all fafe to New York before the end of June laft; and the Earl of Loudon, appointed commander in chief in thofe parts, arrived at that city the 26th of July; from whence he fet out next day for Albany, in order to take upon him the command of the army affembled there. His Lordship found things in fo bad a fituation as obliged him to be only on the defenfive. Whether Gen. Shirley was in any respect culpable, we do not pretend to know; but he was afterward divested of both his command in the army, and his government of New England, and was called home to Britain. Though the prefervation of Ofwego was of very great importance, no troops had been fent thither additional to those which had been in it through the winter. Being attacked by the French, the garrifons of that and the two neighbouring forts, confifting of Shirley's and Pepperell's regiments, with a part of Schuyler's regiment of militia, furrendered prifoners of war on the 14th of Auguft. The aggreffors found there 107 pieces of cannon, and 14 mortars, befides a great

quantity of fmall arms, provifions, and ftores, which they carried off, after demolishing the forts. This was not the only lofs; for the British had seven new armed veffels, mounting from 18 to 8 guns, and above 230 whale-boats сараble of containing fixteen men each, in order to difpute the navigation of Lake Ontario; all which of course fell into the hands of the French, and at least doubled their force by water in that part. About the fame time a party of French and Indians from the Ohio befieged and took Fort Granville, one of those which had been lately erected on the back of Penfylvania.

We had no accounts of any action worth notice having been performed by the British during the last year, except that Col. Armstrong, with about 300 Penfylvanian provincials, in the begin ning of September, destroyed Kittanning, a town of the hoftile Indians on the Ohio, about twenty-five miles above Fort Duquesne, and killed between thirty and forty of those people.

Gen. Sir William Johnson, who has for a number of years been in great repute among the Indians, has of late been of much service to his country, in diffuading thofe of the Six Nations and others from going over to the French intereft. Some deputies of those tribes were fent laft fummer with a message to the Delawares and Shawanese. After fome altercations, and then reafonings, thofe two tribes laid down the hatchet they had taken up against the British colonifts, the happy effects of which were foon felt by the back fettlers of Penfylvania and Virginia. Repeated advices from North America bore, that after Lord Loudon's arrival things feemed to take a better turn. Towards the end of the year they faid, that instead of the French and their Indians coming down to Shenectady and Albany to fcalp, the British were fcalping up as far as Crownpoint, and keeping the French Indians at home. We had advice laft winter, of great preparations making by the Britifh for a vigorous campaign next fummer. So we were told during the two preceding winters, but were always dif

appointed,

appointed, when the feafon fit for action came on. If we find matters turn out better in the season 1757, we shall gladly give accounts of them to our readers. The Spaniards tell us, that the rebellion in Paraguay, in South America, has received fuch a check from their troops, affifted by those of Portugal, that they hope it will foon be at an end.

We had no advice worth notice from the East Indies through the year, but that the British Vice-Admiral Watson, on the 14th of February, took Geriah, the chief fort of the famous pirate Angria, who used to fubfift himself and his fubjects by freebooting upon fhips of all nations which came in his way. Angria himself was out of the place among the Morattes; but the British made prifoners his wife and children, his mother, his brother, and the commander in chief of his grabs. The British found in the place upwards of 200 pieces of cannon, 6 brass mortars, a large quantity of ammunition of all kinds, and about 130,000 1. Sterling in money and effects. Of late the French have told us, that fome nabobs to whom Angria used to pay tribute, are resolved to be revenged on the British. No body doubts but that the French would be glad of this, though Angria was a plague to the trading part of mankind in that part of the world. In the mean time they seem to acknowledge, that the British are in alliance with one powerful nabob, who is able to afford them fuch affiftance as they will probably need. In the prefent fituation of affairs, both British and French are fending reinforcements of war-fhips and foldiers to the East Indies.

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I. The general facts established by the evidence are as follow.

The Admiral was within three miles of St Philip's, and had fent out fome frigates to land a letter for Gen. Blakeney, when he discovered the French fleet.

As foon as the French fleet was difcovered, he called in the frigates and cruifers, and made towards the enemy.

When our fleet firft ftood for that of the French, the fhip which was sternmost in the engagement was first ahead; fo that the fhips which afterwards formed the rear then formed the van.

This order continued till the fignal was made to tack.

When the fignal to tack was made, we had ftretched beyond the enemy with the then van, but the rear was juft even with them.

After we had tacked, the Admiral's divifion, which then became the rear, was fomething aftern of the French rear; but Mr Weft's divifion, which then became the van, was not aftern of the van.

The two fleets were not parallel to each other in either divifion; there being only one mile distance between the headmost ship of our van, and the headmoft fhip of the enemy's; and three miles diftance between the fternmost ship of our rear, and the fternmost of the enemy's.

The diftance between the two divifions of both fleets was about three miles; fo that the rear division of the French was three miles aftern of their van, and our rear divifion about the fame diftance aftern of our van; though the distance of the French rear was ei ther a little less than three miles, or the distance of our rear a little more, as our rear was fomewhat aftern of the enemy's.

While the two fleets were in this fituation, the fignal to engage was made, and the fignal for the line of battle ahead was continued, which determined the order to be preferved during the whole action.

The Intrepide, the fternmoft fhip of the van divifion, was difabled in the beginning of the action. T 2 II. The

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