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Prices of corn.

Chefter, one of the Juftices of the Commmon Pleas, in the room of Sir Thomas Birch, deceased.

Mr James Stevenfon-Rogers, Advocate, Principal Clerk to the high court of Admiralty, in the room of Mr William Ruthven, deceased.

Mr John Hyndman, minister at Weft-kirk, Edinburgh, his Majesty's Almoner for Scotland, in the room of

Edinburgh, April 19. Oat-meal 15 d. halfpenny. White pease-meal 10 d. halfpenny. Gray peafe-meal 10 d. Bear-meal 10 d.

The Edinburgh bill of burials for March 1757. Within the Males 501 city

Fem. 58

College Robert Pollock, Principal of the Marichal In the Weft {Males 24}

of Aberdeen, in the room Mr Thomas

Blackwell, deceased.

New Members: The Hon. Horatio Walpole, fon of the late Sir Robert Walpole, Earl of Orford, for Lynn-Regis, in the room of Horatio Walpole, now Lord Walpole [55.]; Charles Boone, for Caftlerifing, in the room of the first mentioned Horatio Walpole, who had vacated his feat by accepting a place [111]; Jennings, for Whitchurch, and Adm Townshend, for Rochester, in the room of William Powlet and Adm. Byng, both deceased.

Commanders of men of war: Capt. Smith Callis, of the St George; Capt. Simcoe, of the Pembroke; and John Dalrymple, of the Hazard's prize.

The London bill from Feb. 22. to March 22.

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Prices of Stocks, &c. at London, April 2. Bank-ftock fhut. India ditto fhut. South-fea

Lock Ditto old annuities, 1ft fubfcript. fhut. Ditto, 2d fubfcript. fhut. Ditto new annuities, 1ft fubfcript. 90 3 4ths. Ditto, 2d fubfcription 893 qrs. Three 1 half bank-annuities, ift fubfcript. fhut. Ditto, 2d fubfcript. fhut. Three per cent. bank-annuities 90 1 8th. Ditto 1726

Ditto South-fea annuities 1751 90. Ditto India annuities, shut. Three 1 half bankannuities 1756 97. Bank-circulation 31. 15 s. prem. India bonds 2 1. 9 s. a 10 s. prem.

Haddington Prices, April 1.

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NE W BOOK S.

[The English are deferred till our next.] ›
EDINBURG H.

MR Bower's own account of bis efcape from

the inquifition in Italy. With an account of the charge against him, and his defence. Yair &Fleming.

Douglas, a tragedy. 1s. 6d. Hamilton & Balfour, Gray & Peter. [138.]

An apology for the writers against the tragedy of Douglas; with remarks on that play. 2 d. The depofition, a tragedy. A burlesque on Douglas. 2 d.

Some serious remarks on a late pamphlet, intitled, The morality of ftage-plays seriously confidered. In a letter to a lady. 6d.

GLASGOW.

A ferious inquiry into the nature and effects of the ftage. By John Witherspoon, M. A. minifter of Beith. 6d. [143]

If. Ambrofe's firft, middle, and last things. Edit. 7. 4 s. Tweedie..

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THE

SCOTS MAGAZINE.

A PRI
RIL,

1757.

CON T E N

POLITICS. Speeches in the debate upon the ||
motion for leave to bring in a bill for the en-
couragement of feamen, by A. Beculonius 169.
Cn. Genucius 171. Cn. Fulvius 174. Julius
Florus 177. and Quintus Mucius 182.

A letter from on board the OLD ENGLAND:
A political allegory 185.

Of the prefent high price of GRAIN. A fum-
mary of what has been lately wrote on that
fubject 189. An affecting contrast between
ftarvelings, and those who pamper their plea-
fure-horfes 195.

METEOROLOGICAL journals in London and
Cumberland 196.

INQUIRY into the conduct of Maj.-Gen. Steuart,
and Colonels Cornwallis and Earl of Effing-
ham 197.

An authentic account of Adm. BYNG's beha viour, during his confinement and at his death 198.

POETRY. Elegy on the death of Adm. Byng 203. On Mr Pitt's difmiffion ib. Job's description of the horse imitated ib. A pastoral ib. The praise of vanity 204.

T S.

HISTORY. Corn at a moderate price at Dant
zick 204.
The French minifter at Dresderi
ordered to depart 205. Defertion of the Sa
xons in the Pruffian fervice ib. Number of the
Emprefs-Queen's troops and of the King of
Pruffia's ib. The Pruffian territories invaded
by the French 206. Arrival of the Duke of
Cumberland at Hanover ib. The captain of
the Antigallican's journal 207. An audacious
forgery relating to the Antigallican's prize 209

Affociate fynod's proceedings against Mr Mair. Culfargie's overture 210. Mr Mair's answer ib. The arguments on both fides 211. The sentence 212. Subftance of a paper given in by Mr Mair ib. The fynod defended from the charge of Neonomianifm 213.

Profecutions of minifters for countenancing the stage. The presbytery of Edinburgh's let ter 214. Answer by the prefbytery of Dunfe ib. Proceedings against Mr Carlyle 216. Reference to the fynod 217. Synod's fentence ib. Diffenters 218. Mr Home's cafe remit ted to his presbytery 217. An overture 218. LISTS, TABLES, &c. 218. 224.

Proceedings of the POLITICAL CLUB, continued from p. 74.

The debate on the motion for a bill for the confequence of this motion's being aencouragement of feamen continued. The Speech of A. Bœculonius, who spoke

next.

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greed to; I must think, that it will be bill to be brought in until war be actualmore prudent to delay ordering any fuch ly declared. For, even in that cafe, I am of opinion, that a new bill must be brought in, for explaining and amending the laws now in being: and then we shall be better able to judge, what ought to be done with the prizes taken before the declaration of war; because if any of our people in America have fuffered by the incroachments or d predations of the French in that part of the world, fome fhare of the produce of the Bb

prizes

prizes already taken ought to be applied towards making good the damage they have fuftained, in the fame way as was done with regard to thofe prizes taken from Spain in the year 1739, before we declared war against that nation; for this is a piece of juftice we owe to the fufferers, and always ought to be confidered when orders for reprisals are iffued to any of his Majefty's fhips of war.

But, Sir, let fuch a bill be ordered when it will, it ought to be extremely well confidered: for I doubt if it be confiftent with the public fervice to give the whole of the prizes to the captors. I am afraid, it makes our naval officers a little too fond of having the command of our fourth, fifth, and fixth rates; and to me it seems to be an injuftice done to thofe officers and feamen who are employed on board our firft, fecond, and third rates, as the former are always employed as cruifers, and owe their protection to the latter, when we are at war with a nation that has any pretence to being called a maritime power. I must therefore think, it would be right to have our whole navy divided into certain fquadrons; and that all prizes taken by any fhip of fuch a fquadron, fhould belong to, and be divided among the officers and feamen of that fquadron, though taken at never fo great a diftance from the chief rendezvous of the fquadron. And this would be particularly neceffary in cafe of a war with France; because we muft, in fuch a cafe, always keep a large number of capital fhips in readinefs at home, none of which could ever be employed as cruifers, or have an opportunity to take any prize: and therefore, in juftice to the officers and feamen employed on board of fuch fhips, they ought, I think, to have a fhare of all the prizes taken by any cruifer not belonging to any fquadron ftationed in fome other part of the world.

This, I think, Sir, would be a more just and a more equal diftribution of the produce of the prizes taken by his Majefty's fhips of war, as every officer and feaman on board the royal navy would then be fure of getting fomething by prizes, and no one would ever get too

much, which in the late war frequently happened to be the cafe. Another advantage would be, that the ships employed to guard our coafts, or to convoy our trade, would not be under fo great a temptation to neglect their proper duty, and to employ themselves in looking out for, and feizing the trading ships of the enemy; which I fufpect was fometimes the cafe during the late war: for confidering the great fuperiority we then had at fea, the number of our trading fhips taken by the enemy was furprifing. I myfelf once carried to the admiraltyboard a lift of 1200 merchant-fhips that had been, in a fhort space of time, taken by the enemy: and of thefe 1200 there were no lefs than 900 that were colony-fhips; fo that the trade of our colonies was either more neglected than any other branch of our trade, or we must reckon that the colony-trade is, in proportion to the whole trade of this nation, as nine is to twelve, or three to four; which fhews how much it imports us to take all poffible care of our colonies and plantations in America.

For this reafon, I fay, Sir, I hope we fhall foon have either an honourable peace, or a declaration of war. For the uncertain ftate we are in at present would, in a fhort time, ruin our colonies, our trade, and our navigation; especially the laft; because it would throw the whole of it into the hands of foreigners, as far as our navigation-act would allow. Nay, it has already thrown a great deal of our navigation into the hands of foreigners; for befides the high wages we are obliged to pay to our feamen, the insurance upon Britifh fhips is now very near as high as it ever was in time of war: fo that unless war be foon declared, and due care taken to guard and protect our trade, we must be reduced to the dire neceffity of repealing, or at least suspending our navigation-act, and felling all our trading fhips at half price to foreigners. I therefore think we are under an abfolute neceffity of coming very foon to a determination as to peace or war; and it is this that makes me against putting a queftion upon the prefent motion: for as to our feamen, I fhall always be

for

for giving them every encouragement in our power, and for freeing them, as much as poffible, from every hardship they now do, or can labour under; be cause no one can have a greater regard for that body of men than I have; nor is there any gentleman, who has more reason than I have, to wish well to them, as a great part of my fortune is every year afloat upon the ocean.

The Speech of Cn. Genucius, who spoke

next.

Mr Prefident,

W

Hen I feconded the motion now under confideration, I could not fuggeft to myself any objections that could be made to it; therefore I at that time gave you no further trouble than to open, as clearly and fully as I could, the intention of the bill propofed by my Noble friend, and referved to myself the privilege of rifing up again to answer the objections made, if any fhould be made, to my Noble friend's motion. Objections have, it is true, been fince made: but they are fuch as could never have entered into my head to fuggeft; and if they had, they are fuch as I, as an Englishman, fhould have been afhamed to fuggeft. What ftrange, what unmanly fears, have been thrown out upon this occafion! We must not prepare for war, for fear of rendering a peace impracticable! We muft not prepare for war, for fear of offending the allies of France! We muft not prepare for war, for fear of raifing the refentment of the people of France! I am really afhamed, Sir, to hear fuch arguments made use of in a British parliament. The French have, ever fince the treaty of peace at Aix-la-Chapelle, been fupporting, affifting, and furnishing with arms and ammunition, those Indians, who, at their inftigation, have been murdering and fcalping our people in Nova Scotia: the French have, ever fince that treaty, been building forts upon our territories, almoft round our frontiers in America; and they have fent troops thither to defend thofe forts: nay, they have lately by violence taken a fort from us; and have not only rob. bed and murdered many of our people,

but have actually, in an open and hoftile manner, attacked our troops in that part of the world. After fuch repeated, fuch defigned infults, fhall any fear whatever prevent our preparing to do ourfelves juftice? Sorry I am, to hear fuch a fuggeftion from the mouth of any Eng. lifhman. If fuch a fuggeftion should have any weight with the people of this country, how justly may it be faid, Quan tum mutatus ab illo !

the

If we are fuing, Sir, if we are begging for a peace upon any terms, I fhall grant, that our preparations may offend our enemies. If we are refolved to accept of fuch a peace as French allies may dictate to us, I fhall grant, that our preparations may offend them. But if we are refolved to command an honourable peace, the more we are prepared, the more able we shall be to command; lefs will every nation in Europe be inclined to risk joining with France against us; for nations are pretty much like old gamefters; they compare the chance they have of gaining, with the chance they have of lofing, and they never venture when they plainly fee that the odds are against them. This I am fure every gentleman will grant, who has the honour to be of that famous academy near St James's: and confequently every fuch gentleman muft, I think, be for this motion; becaufe nothing can be more certain, than that the more we are prepared for war, the more the odds will be againft thofe that fhall dare to join with France against this nation. There are, I know, fome nations in Europe, that are by treaty obliged to join with the French when they are unjustly attacked: but I likewife know, that no nation in Europe is obliged to join with the French when they are the aggreffors; and I alfo know, that the judgment of nations, as well as private men, is always ftrongly biaffed by their interest. How then are we to prevent the French being joined by any of their allies in a war against us upon the prefent occafion? Is it not by making every nation in Europe think, that the French were the aggreffors? How are we to make every nation in Europe think fo? Is it not by making

"

it their intereft to think fo? How are we to make it their intereft to think fo? Is it not by fhewing them, that the odds will probably be against them? Can we do this any other way, but by fhewing them that we have prepared, and are refolved to vindicate the honour of our country against them, as well as France? Therefore, Sir, the most effectual way for preventing France being joined by any of her allies in a war against us, is to make all poffible preparations for war. And this will of course be the most effectual way for obtaining a safe and ho nourable peace: for if the French court find, that they cannot prevail with any of their allies to join with thein, I believe they will be extremely cautious of coming to an open war with this nation, as they can carry it on no where but by fea, and there we are fo much fuperior to them in power, that they can have no chance for fuccefs, if the war be managed on our fide with any tolerable conduct. I fay, Sir, that the war can be carried on no where but by fea; for I may justly and properly fay fo, when the armies on both fides must be tranfported by sea : and if we pursue the plan that has been chalked out by an Hon. friend of mine in this debate, we may very foon put it out of the power of France to fend any troops to America, or to fupport thofe fhe has now there, or may have fent there before our declaration of war. From hence, Sir, I muft conclude, that if our prefent difputes with France fhould end in an open war, it can proceed from nothing but the late pufillanimous conduct of our minifters, and the contemptible opinion which the French court have of their capacity to conduct a war; and nothing can tend more towards confirming them in that opinion, than our putting a negative upon this motion.

Then, Sir, as to the people of France, if they have now any hopes, that the fhips we have taken are to be restored, they cannot furely have any fuch hopes after all thofe fhips are condemned, and appropriated to the captors: and as thofe fhips are not by the propofed bill to be condemned and appropriated, until after

a declaration of war; if the people of France have any influence upon their court, our paffing this bill will oblige them to make use of that influence, for inducing their court to come speedily to an amicable fettlement of all the disputes now fubfifting between us, in order to prevent a declaration of war, and in confequence thereof, a condemnation and appropriation of all the fhips we have taken, or shall hereafter take.

Thus, Sir, in every light in which this bill can be viewed, it must appear to tend more towards bringing on a speedy, fafe, and honourable peace, than towards rendering a war unavoidable; and confequently muft tend towards remo ving or preventing all those flavish fears that have been thrown out upon this occafion. It must tend towards obliging the court of France to give ear to any reasonable proffers of peace; it must tend towards rendering the people of France folicitous for preventing a declaration of war; and it must tend towards preventing the allies of France from looking upon us as the aggreffors, or thinking themselves obliged to affitt France a gainft us. Thefe, Sir, will be the happy effects of our agreeing to this motion; and the contrary, in every particular, will be the fatal effects of our putting a negative upon it.

Having now confidered what effects our agreeing or difagreeing to this motion will have abroad, 1 fhall next confider, Sir, what effects either may have at home. In the first place, our agreeing to this motion will have a great effect towards inducing our feamen to enter voluntarily into the government's fervice, and confequently must of course leffen the neceffity we are under of ma king use of that tyrannical and unjust method called preffing. I fay, tyrannical, Sir; because not only a tyrannical, but a cruel ufe is often made of it: and it is certainly unjust, because if men are to be preffed into the public fervice, every man who is fit for fervice ought to be preffed in his turn, and no man ought to be forced to ferve but in his turn. In the next place, Sir, our agreeing to this motion would make both the officers and

feamen

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