crime for which he had been profecuted with fo horrid a feverity, and the very counfel he had retained for his trial taken away. In whatever point of view he confidered this, horror and indignation fuppreffed a while all power of reproach. No language could do juftice to the infamy of the proceeding. When Sir William Howe fent over the news of his having obtained a conqueft, (and Sir William was then called a great and able general), no pains were taken by adminiftration to prevent illuminations. An action was brought in the court of king'sbench by a Quaker for a riot and breaking of his windows. The caufe came before Judge Willes. And how was it decided? The judge was of opinion, that the act was to be justified by the occafion; it was thought ftrange that one man fhould be found to refift the general joy, and the jury were directed to find a verdict accordingly. If miniftry would look into riots, let them go to Edindurgh, where the mob has not only obliged government to tell them, that they will not only not pafs the bill in favour of Popery, but will not even fuffer it to be brought in [109.]. Did the attor ney-general proceed against Balf and Macquirk for the murder of Mr Clarke at Brentford [31. 164.]? And yet is a boy to be tried for his life, because he was heard to halloo for Adm. Keppel, and in the tumult of his joy found to break a window or two! But why was it? Why, truly, the fpirit of the people was to be depreffed; and becaufe the miniftry failed in their defigns to murder Adm. Keppel, the life of an unhappy youth was to be pitifully facrificed to their refentment. The Attorney-General faid, he rofe to vindicate administration from having any fhare in the profecution against the rioters. He folemnly declared, that he had received inftructions from no man; that he would receive inftructions from no man; that he would not pursue the profecution merely to gratify any fet of men; nor would he be forced to give it up from any confide ration of fear or apprehenfion, though torrents of cloquence should be employ ed to fhake him. A grand jury had found a bill against them; that he thought juft ground for profecution: he would not fay more, as he did not with to anticipate the trial, or prejudge the matter. He had not as yet received full information of the bufincfs from the fo licitor of the treasury; when he should, he would form his opinion of it; and if he should find fufficient matter against the rioters to justify a capital profecution, nothing should prevent him, as first criminal lawyer for the crown, to purfue it. If, on the contrary, he fhould find the offence of a lefs criminal complexion, he would drop it but ind either cafe, he would folely act from his i own judgement, unbiaffed by refpect for perfons, unawed by clamour or oppotition. The law with which the Hon. Gentleman found fo much fault, he had ever heard extolled as the bulwark of the Proteftant fucceffion. It was framed at the acceffion of the prefent family to the throne, when it was as dangerous to be a Whig, as at prefent it was to be a Pa. pift in Glasgow or Edinburgh; and to that law might be afcribed the enjoyment of our prefent liberties. He admittel, that merely breaking windows was not a capital offence; but if breaking windows, and forcing open doors, were not to be punithed, where was the fecurity of our lives and properties? Such a be haviour militated against freedom: for perfect freedom confifted in rejoicing, or not rejoicing, at pleafure. If a mob was to confift of mafters of families, hufbands, fathers, and housekeepers, he would pay fome refpect to them, becaufe he did not dread the fame fatal effects from the excess of their joy, as from that of footmen, hair-dreffers, and apprenti ces; their heat would foon fubfide. 11 punishing, he would pay no refpect to perfons; at leaft he would not feek for the weak and poor, and let the rich and powerful escape; he would let a fcore of apprentices efcape, if he could find cut, and he would certainly fearch for them, people high in rank, who might have created the riot, by diftributing money or otherwife. [422.] Mr Dunning admitted, that perfect liberty confifted in doing or not doing at pleafure, and acknowledged the purpofes for which the law was framed to be fuch as Mr Wedderburne represented them to be; but he could not think that the learned gentleman would fuppofe, that a law made for fecuring the Proteftant fucceffion, fhould be made ufe of to hang people for breaking Sir Hugh Pallifer's windows. It was not the law itself he difliked, but the application that was made of it. He requested the harm ed gentleman would weigh well the matter before he should proceed to extremities. He paid fome compliments to his understanding, but could not avoid obferving, that it was rather fingular, that he did not get his information from the folicitor of the treafury, before he had gone the lengths to which he had already proceeded. The Attorney-General returned Mr Dunning's compliments, and affured him, there was no opinion nor advice for which he had more respect than for his; but that he ought to confider, that the law owed double protection to a perfon obnoxious to the populace; particularly when that perfon is to be tried by his country, and may be deprived, if unprotected, of the means of afferting his innocence, if he is innocent, through the fury or enthusiasm of the people. Sir William Meredith. No crown lawyer, he faid, had proceeded against the rioters procured to ftab the conftitution at the Middlefex election [30.666.] though murder had been committed. On the contrary, thofe who had taken up the matter, and followed the profecution to as neceffary a conviction as this country ever faw, were ever fince looked upon as the enemies of government. Yet when a young man, perhaps in the hour of raihnefs, had been detected in breaking a pane of glafs in an uninhabited houfe, the attorney-general had been found to profecute him for his life, and in fo doing to make a merit in point of duty to his country. Mr Burke acknowledged, that every protection was due to an obnoxions perfon; but contended, at the fame time, that the rioters had done no more than some of the first characters of the nation would have done. No one had been more extravagant in his joy, if any thing could be called extravagant on fuch occafion, than the great Lord Hawke was, when he heard of the fentence of acquittal; he deemed it a triumph and glory to his country, fir tranfcending the most brilliant victory he himflf had ever gained. He afcribed the proficu. tion to malice, refentment, and every thing that was dishonourable. The Speaker now brought to the recollection of the Houfe the quellion beFore them; and Sir William Howe's motion was again read, and agreed to unaLimously, IRISH PARLIAMENT. THE HE parliament of Ireland met, at Dublin, on the 12th of October. The Earl of Buckinghamshire, Lord Lieutenant, opened the feffion with the following speech. "My Lords, and Gentlemen, AT a time when the trade and commerce of this kingdom are, in a more particular manner, the objects of public attention, it were to be wilhed, that the general tranquillity, ever defireable, had been restored, fo as to have left you entirely at leifure to deliberate on those great and important fubjects. But I am perfuaded you will not permit any interefts, however dear to you, to impede your efforts, or difturb your unanimity, at this most important period: and I have it exprefsly in command from his Majefty to affure you, that the cares and folicitudes infeparable from a ftate of hoftility, have not prevented him from turning his Royal mind to the interefts and diftreffes of this kingdom with the most affectio nate concern; of which the money remitted to this country for its defence *, when England had every reason to apprehend a moft formidable and immediate attack, affords a convincing proof. Anxious for the happinefs of his people, his Majefly will mott chearfully co-operate with his parliaments in fuch meafures as may promote the common interefts of all his fubjects. I have the pleafure to inform you of an acceffion to his Majefty's family, fince the laft feffion of parliament, by the birth of another prince. May the fame Providence that continues to increase his domeftic felicity, protect the honour of his crown and the happiness of his people. Gentlemen of the Houfe of Commons, It is with great concern I am to inform you, that, on account of the extraordinary decline of the revenues, the very liberal fupplies of the laft feffion have proved inadequate to the exigencies of government; fo that, contrary to my most fanguine expectations, and most earneft endeavours, there is a confiderable arrear now to be provided for. His Majefty, from his paternal attention to the interefts of his people, and his folicitude to obviate to the utmost the neceffity of increafing their burdens, * [50,000 guineas were lately remitted from England for the payment of troops in Ireland.] han has graciously commanded me to declare to you, that the greatest economy fhall in every inftance be exerted, as far as may be confiftent with the honour of his crown, and the real interefts of the nation. I have ordered the public accounts, and other neceffary papers, to be laid before you; and I have no doubt, that your known loyalty to your king, and attachment to your country, will induce you to go as far as the national abilities will admit, in making a provision fuitable to the exigency of the times, and the honourable fupport of his Majesty's govern ment. My Lords, and Gentlemen, The united efforts and great military preparations of the Houfe of Bourbon feem only to have roufed the courage, and called forth the exertions, of his Majefty's brave and loyal subjects of this kingdom. I have only to lament, that the exhausted state of the treasury has hitherto put it out of my power to give thofe exertions the moft extenfive and conftitutional operation, by carrying the militia-laws into execution. I am perfuaded you will not suffer any dangers that may be threatened from abroad to draw off your attention from wife and neceffary domeftic regulations; and that, among the many fubjects worthy of your confideration, the Proteftant charter-schools and Linen manufacture will continue to be objects of your ferious attention. In promoting thefe, and in all other measures that may tend to increase the profperity and improve the true interefts of this kingdom, I am bound to co-operate with you by a double tie, of inclination, and of duty. Nothing can ever affect me with more real fatisfaction, than the exerting my best endeavours for, the welfare of Ireland; nor can I ever render a more acceptable service to my fovereign, than in promoting the happiness of his people." Addreffes to the King and the Lord Lieutenant were reported to the Lords next day, and agreed to unanimously. As foon as the Speaker had reported the Lord Lieutenant's speech to the Commons, Oct. 12. Sir Robert Deane arofe, and, after an exordium, lavish in its encomiums on the Lord Lieutenant's administration, and the good dispositions of his Majesty and the British miniftry toward this kingdom, moved for an ad drefs to the throne, expreffing in the warmeft terms the grateful fenfe the House entertained of the above difpoftions, and, in the ufual language of thefe addreffes, echoing the speech.— He was feconded by Mr Richard Hely Hutchinfon; who faid, this was a great, critical, and im portant period, in which the declarations of the King, the best of princes, and the British legislature, left us no room to doubt but every good was defigned for Ireland; that his Majefty's fpeech in the British parliament, at the clofe of the laft feffion [388.], was the harbinger of good tidings and great events, which was this day confirmed in the Lord Lieutenant's fpeech, who says he has it in command to declare his wifh to co-operate in fuch measures as may best promote our interefts; interefts which, in the hands of the prefent adminiftration, must be well managed, as their defigns are pure; that under fuch an adminiftration the general benefit of the empire would be attended to, above all partial and selfish confiderations; and the veil of calumny, which fo long traduced them, would disappear, and the factious ca lumniators, touched with truth as with the fpear of Ithuriel, would start into shape. - What thanks were not due to our chief governor, who fo refpectfully mentions the focieties of armed patriots throughout the kingdom! What muft our opinion be of a chief governor who fpeaks fo honourably of that great bul wark of conftitutional liberty, a national militia? Though our distresses are great, from them profperous days may fpring, like that fair flower the fabling poets tell of, which sprung from a hero's blood. Mr Grattan faid, the fpeech contained nothing explicit, nothing fatisfactory; it meant to quiet the minds of the people without any declaration whatever. After his Majetty had been addreffed by his Irish subjects for a free export-trade, did fuch addreffes require no answer? Were the people of Ireland undeferving the notice of British minifters? Was there no refpect for the interefts of this kingdom among the fervants of the crown on this fide of the water? Were not these servants of the crown alfo reprefentatives of the people? Why not then speak out? Are our diftreffes of so private a nature that they must not be mentioned?-[Here he gave an eloquent and pathetic picture of the miferable con dition dition of this kingdom.]—It is plain we have nothing to expect, fince applications from the people, backed with the fame from the officers of the crown, are not attended to. Ireland, then, has no thing to depend upon but her spirit; no redress of grievances, no extenfion of trade, but from the efforts of her people! And will it be politic, will it be SAFE, here or elsewhere, to oppofe these efforts? Why does not our addrefs alfo fpeak out? Why have we lefs fpirit than the people? Shall the Commons of Ireland thew lefs fpirit than the most infignificant corporation? Are we fo fallen, fo defpicable, as to be more afraid of England's cenfure, than of the cries of our ftarving manufacturers ? The diftreffes of this kingdom are twofold; the beggary of the people, and the bankruptcy of the ftate. The firft he would ask the commiflioners of the revenue to prove; but he would afk them upon oath, whether the restrictions on our trade was not the caufe? whether the prohibitions laid on by England against the export of woollen cloths did not occafion it? whether there were not too many inhabitants in this kingdom, though not half-peopled? whether those inhabitants, were the American continent ftill open to them, would not have emigrated thither rather than pine in their native land, the victims of English tyranny, rather than ftarve in it by an English act of parliament? and, laftly, was there one rich merchant in the king dom? - This kingdom, (he continued), ruined by a balance of trade agaiuft her for fo many years, and the drain of abfentees, owes its prefent existence to affociations: it is but a temporary expedient, and fomething more effectual muft be done. As to the bankruptcy of the ftate, it is the confequence of a fyftem of boundlefs prodigality, profligacy, and violence; a boundlefs prodigality, while our means were limited; a profligacy and violence uniformly maintained. One inftance will fuffice, where the late Attorney-General obliged the merchants of Corke to fign an illegal bond, as a collateral fecurity to an illegal oath. The peace-establishment of this poor country amounts to one fixth of that of England; what proportion is there in our means? What is this eftablishment? infamous penfions, to infamous men! [here he launched into fome perfonalities]: and will those men whom we pay, vote as VOL. XLI. gainst an extenfion of our trade, vote againft the means of fupporting them? To what a pafs had thofe profligate administrations reduced this kingdom! to be infulted with our poverty in the fpeech from the throne; to be told of our beggary; that the officers of the crown here have begged 50,000l. from England, or the troops could not have marched into camp; when it is known that it is this profligacy that has unnerved the arm of government, and made the fword of defence fall from its hand! He then moved an amendment to the address, to be inferted, in the following words: "That we beseech your Majesty to believe, that it is with the utmost reluctance we are constrained to approach you on the prefent occafion; but the conftant drain to fupply abfentees, and the unfortunate prohibition of our trade, has caufed fuch calamity, that the natural support of our country has decayed, and our manufacturers are dying for want. Famine stalks hand in hand with hopeless wretchednefs; and the only meins left to fupport the expiring trade of this miferable part of your Majesty's dominions, is to open a free export-trade, and let your Irifh fubjects enjoy their natural birthright." Lord Westport feconded Mr Grattan's motion. Sir Henry Cavendish faid, though he agreed with the Hon. Gentleman who propofed the amendment in moft of the things he had uttered, yet he thought introducing foreign matter into the addrefs might clog the design, which he fuppofed every gentleman was unani mous in foliciting his Majefty for, an extenfion of trade; that he apprehended this bufinefs would better be effected by opening a committee on purpose, or rather following a precedent in the year 1661, when the Lords and Commons of Ireland appointed commiffioners to attend the King, to fupplicate the redrefs of grievances; he therefore would be against the amendment. He added, that as to what had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman, that it would at this time be unfafe to oppofe the efforts which might be made to redrefs our grievances, fuch a confideration should never weigh with him; he would do what he thought right in fpite of their bayonets, nor would even do right if forced to it, for he would not be borne down. 34 Mr Ogle faid, the fpeech and addrefs were better than he expected, yet the amendment had his hearty concurrence. As to entering into a committee on the fubject of our grievances, he was fick of that mode of trifling with the nation in order to gain time; that the ghoft of the committee on the embargo haunted him every time he heard a committee mentioned; and, laftly, if we did not mention fomething in the addrefs, the miniftry might again fhelter themfelves under the old excuse, "That truly they did not know what the Irish wanted, as their parliament was filent on the head," and fo go on with the old fyftem of duplicity. Mr F. Flood faid, he approved of the amendment, yet would vote against it, until the gentlemen in confidence of government declared what was meant in the fpeech, which he looked upon to be dark, ambiguous, and that it said nothing. Mr Recorder rofe, and spoke freely his opinion of government; boldly afferted, that the Lords and Commons of England had no right to reftrain our trade; that it was ufurpation, nay tyranny, that called for immediate removal. Said he did not doubt, though the laft Hon. member had given a negative to the amendment, but he would, on deliberation, vote for it. A Rt Hon. Gentleman had afferted we fhould receive relief; he doubted the information. The time of adverfity was the propereft time to approach a king. We ought to adopt a firm language and manly refolutions. The fame miniftry who had loft America, and were extending the fame infamous politics to this kingdom, fhould be guarded against. Shall Ireland alone be ever paffive to English laws? Scotland, favoured Scotland, rebels against any laws it diflikes, a recent inftance of which appeared on a religious matter [108.]: Wales lately oppofed the British minifter's attempt to furvey its lands, and its oppofition was fuccefsful. Lord Strafford faid, Ireland was fit for every thing, and yet confined it to one article. He recommended the appointment of a committee of grievances, and voted for the amendment. Sir Edward Newenham. I perfectly agree with the Hon. member who spoke Jaf but one, that the amendment does not go far enough, and I alfo agree with thofe who think that the original addrefs is only a fervile echo of the fpeech. If we intend real good to this kingdom, let us fpeak our minds, and tell his Majefty the misconduct of his minifters, and ob ferve to his Majefty, that while his peo ple are miferable, oppreffed, and deceived, his reign can neither be happy or glorious; let our anfwer be adequate to the circumftances of the times, and the ftate of this country. Is there a man within thefe walls who can vindicate the conduct of the prefent British ministry towards this country? Is there a man who has not abjured the intereft of Great Britain as well as that of Ireland, that can lay his hand upon his heart, and say, that they have fupported the honour or provided for the fecurity of either king. dom? Treating us with contempt, and adding infult to that contempt, they have accumulated our grievances; they fondly, but, I trust, they vainly, hope to make us to pay the deficiency of loft America: the original fomenter of all our troubles in and with that country ap pears upon your infamous penfion-roll; -his name is Francis Bernard [32. 294.]; ill-fated name for Britain's honour, for Britain's glory and happiness! - His fyftem of tyranny and univerfal fubjuga tion coinciding with the minifters, was fatally adopted. Engaged as they have been in the horrid conteft with America, that royal hobby-horfe, they have neglected every thing for the preservation of thefe kingdoms. Though I am grateful for them, yet I cannot entirely approve of the means used by our friends in another country for the extenfion of our trade, and enlargement of our com. merce. We are an INDEPENDENT NA TION; we have a feparate parliament, and feparate courts of judicature; why, then, fhould we folicit favours from an other parliament? Let us pafs heads of bills for the extenfion of our own trade, and I truft that no minifter will be found fo daring as to impede their progrefs. We are now of age, and want not the further guardianship of a cruel ftepmo ther, nor ought we any longer to traft to the infidious promifes of a jealous fifter. Whatever obligations we heretofore owed Great Britain, they have been tenfold repaid. Our brave foldiers and failors affifted Great Britain in conquering the Eaftern and the Western Indies: America and the plains of Germany owned the bravery of Irithmen; thousands of our brave countrymen loft their lives in thofe wars: and what return has Ireland obtained? To the East we cannot trade, and to the Weft our commerce |
