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and injure the home service, as well colonial or foreign.-If, however, the Right Hon. Gentleman was determined to try the system, he would recommend the regular recruiting to be continued.

Mr Yorke said, that the more he considered the subject, the more he was convinced that it was built upon theory. It was not necessary to apply to Par liament for the adoption of a measure which Government might adopt under the sanction of his Majesty. What was the reason of coming to parliaroent? Was there any fear that Government could not keep faith with the soldier? Had not his Majesty an undoubted right to exercise his prerogative? In order to shew the beneficial effects of the present system, he would state from documents on the table the amount and condition of the army, with the defects, and what had been done to remedy those defects. The amount of the army is 150,000 men, excluding the artillery, foreign corps, local corps, and militia. The numbers wanting on the 26th June, to complete that force, was 44,846. Since that time, a considerable accession has taken place, and the present deficiencies do not amount to more than 30,000. The casualties on an average of the three years, 1803, 1804, 1805, by reference to the papers, would be about 16,746. The total number to be supplied, after making the calculations, would be 33,000 men. Would the Right Hon. Gentleman's system produce a supply to that amount ?The enlistment for the army has been the same since the time of King Willi am, with an exception in two instances -one in the reign of Queen Anne, when it was proposed, in a similar way to the present, to enlist for three years. A clause was introduced by Lord Bolingbroke into the mutiny bill to that effect, but it did not continue more than two years. On the accession of the House of Hanover, this clause was omitted; a strong proof of the wisdom of our ancestors, who were not in the practice of indulging in fanciful theoiries. The other instance was during "the administration of Lord North. order was issued from the Secretary at War, by command of his Majesty, for recruiting the army for three years, or during the rebellion. That system pre

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vailed from 1775 to 1779, and was then put an end to. MrYorke then entered into a comparison of the produce under the present system, at three different periods of the war. The ordinary recruiting had produced annually 11,780; with the addition of limited service, 19.470; and, with the whole of the additional means of recruiting, 28,470, The Right Hon. Gentleman, after making some further calculations, contended, that the last measures had produced an addition of 50,000 men to the army. He then contrasted the situation of the army now and in the American war, from which he drew inferences in favour of the present system. With respect to India, it was necessary to keep up, in time of peace, an army of 25,000 Europeans, and contended, in oppost tion to the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr Windham), that it was not probable many men would be inclined to enlist for colonial service. { IS W5

Mr Fox said, it was the constitution of this country that the army should be essentially under the controulof Parliament, and not wholly under the influence of the Crown. A Right Hon. Gentleman said, that we had been meddling, not with the King's army, but with that of Parliament; here was a strange distinction, for he considered the unlimited force the Royal, and the limited, the Parliamentary army. He considered the general principle of the system the best that could be brought forward, and dwelt for a considerable time on the great political advantages which the establishment of large disposable force in this country would produce to Eu rope. He wished for the restoration of peace upon any terms consistent with the honour of the country; not by giving up our connections with the belligerent powers. That object, however, is not to be attained easily. We were placed, not in an unfortunate, but in an ungracious situation, a situation which no splendid victories or gallant atchievments could easily remedy. It must be alone obtained by taking long viewsby looking to distant periods-by gaining a different sort of army.

With respect to army, he entertained the sanguine hopes that it would be placed, by the proposed alteration in its system, upon the most respectable footing, As to the navy, he had such a

high opinion both of the skill of its of ficers, and of the great reputation it had gained (a reputation which would do more than any thing else to preserve its superiority), that he felt confident that France and Spain could never equal it. He therefore differed much from some of his Hon. Friends on the subject of invasion. He by no means dread. ed invasion. He thought we had in the first place a powerful security in the superiority of our navy; and in the second place, in the spirit of the British nation, which he was convinced was abundantly sufficient to triumph ultimately over any army that could invade this country. When he was asked then, Why do you want a greater army? he should answer, "We have enough, and more than enough." So far from thinking the number too few to defend the country, he would state most distinctly, that if he saw any prospect of recovering for Europe what had been lost in the late unfortunate campaign, he should have no objection to risk a part of the army we possess in the attempt. He thought that we should think of acting offensively in the war, as far as our powers extended. Although the disposeable force of this country bore but a small proportion to the French armies, yet it did not follow that we should not be able, at some future period, to give a powerful and effectual assistance to some of those nations which France, in her ambition for extending her power, may hereafter chuse to attack. He was always an eager and ardent friend of peace, and he was still a friend of peace. He indeed wished for such a peace as could be made on tolerable terms, but the character of the peace he wished for was, that it should preserve our connections with the Continent of Europe, and not give up any thing which the point of honour for bade us to give up. If such a peace were made, he hoped the nation would not uselessly retain the passions of war in a time of peace.

It had been insinuated that Ministers were acting against the opinions of persons of the highest authority, that it was necessary they should not lose any

July 1806.

popularity which they might have, by refusing to take these opinions into consideration, But, Sir, let us recollect that it is our duty, as his Majesty's servants, not to temporize with popular opinions. If we do our duty to the country, we shall not follow any such rule, because, at every step we take, we shall certainly risk our popularity. We must endeavour, by persevering in what appears to us the right track, to restore the country to its ancient system. He that swerves from that road acts like a political coward. If he gives up his own opinion, he deserts his duty as a sworn servant of the King, to whom he is bound to give the best advice within his power. He is not true to the people, nor faithful in his discharge of his duty a Member of Parliament, nor will his efforts either redound to his own honour,or conduce to the general good.

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The call for the question became exceedingly clamorous as soon as Mr Fox concluded.-At four o'clock in the morning, the House divided on the fol. lowing clause," that the first enlistment of seven years should be extended to ten years in time of war, or to fix months after the conclusion of peacethat whatever may be the inferior age of the recruit, his term of service shall not commence until he arrive at eigh. teen years of age-and that those serving abroad shall return free of expence, and receive marching money to the place where they were originally enlisted.”— Ayes, 254-noes 125. A scene of rather a new kind took place after the division. Most of the strangers, supposing that an immediate adjournment would take place, went away. The ministers, however, moved, that the clause be read a first time; this was opposed by Lord Castlereagh, who moved that the Chairman report progress. A warm debate ensued, and no less than seven divisions took place, four of which were upon a repetition of the motion," that the Chairman do now leave the Chair." At length the business terminated by the Speaker's suggesting that an amendment should be proposed, pro forma, só as to admit of a further discussion of the principle of the clause.

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HOLLAND.

THE new King and Queen of Holland arrived at their palace, the House in the Wood, near the Hague, on the 17th June. They passed under illuminated triumphal arches, and the road through the wood was lighted by torches. They were escorted by French troops. The Dutch papers give a dry, cold account of the procession. No thing is said of any public rejoicings; nothing of any acclamations of the multitude. Not a huzza seems to have disturbed the mournful silence with which

they stole by night into the palace of the Nassaus. The arches were erected by French troops; and the King and Queen, instead of being conveyed by their new subjects to their residence, were escorted by the soldiers of the ty rant who has elevated them to the regal dignity. The procession had the air and appearance of a funeral-the funeral of Batavian freedom.

HAGUE, June 20.

Yesterday his Majesty gave an audi. ence to their High Mightinesses, when every solemnity of ceremonial was observed. They were introduced in the most regular form by the Marshal Governor of the Place, Noguez. The speech delivered by Mr De Vos Van Steenwyk Tot Den Hogenhof on the occasion was of the following purport: "Sire-The Assembly of their High Mightinesses, in whose name I have at present the honour to speak, is come in a body to offer their obedience to your Majesty, and to felicitate you upon your accession to the throne of Holland. In acquitting themselves of so solemn a duty, they entreat you, Sire, to receive favourably the sentiments of a deserving and every way re spectable nation.

The concurrence of events and circumstances which have overthrown the political system of Europe, has at length involved our country. After sustainbing a multitude of shocks, the nation looks for a term to its long agitations,

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and ventures to hope, that the sceptre confided to your Majesty's foresight and wisdom, will restore its happiness and quiet. 231-ARE? "Peace, Sire, is the greatest of Eu rope's wants. It is especially so of Holland. May the powerful genius of Napoleon the Great, give tovus, one day, this invaluable blessing!

"Sire, a nation celebrated for its temperance, delights to contemplatė in you the model of all the virtues, and gives itself up to the consoling hope, that the paternal care of your Majesty for its true interests, will, under the sacred guidance of Providence,ħ invi, gorate its industry and its commerce, and renovate its ancient glory and splendour. Thus will the present gel neration and their posterity hail your Majesty as the regenerator of the public prosperity." 021

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After the audience of his Majesty, their High Mightinesses were presented to her Majesty the Queen. 5 The President addressed her Majesty as follows: th fat sal

"Madam With the confidence inspired by the graces and affability of your Majesty, the Assembly of their High Mightinesses eagerly entreats to present to you their homage and respect. My

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Permitius, Madam, to join your Majesty in the vows and congratulations we have just borne to his Majesty the King.

"May the general welfare, which will be the constant object of the cares of his Majesty, your august spouse, long prove his happiness, and the happiness of your Majesty, and of all the Royal Family."

Both these speeches were received in the most gracious manner by their Majesties. The Administration of the department of Holland, the Deputies of several other local Administrations of the kingdom, and the Staff Officers of the navy, had also a formal audience of his Majesty.

On the 23d of June their Majesties made

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Detachments of hussars and dragoons closed the procession.

When the procession reached the Palace of their High Mightinesses, their Majesties were received at the door by four Deputies from the Assembly. They ascended the stair case, passed through the National Library, and were received at the door of the anti chamber by the President of their High Mightinesses, and two other Deputies. Having entered the hall of As. sembly, her Majesty was conducted to her tribune by two Deputies. The King seated himself on his throne, and put on his hat. On the right side and behind his Majesty sat the Grand Chamberlain, and the Aid de Camp General; on the left, the Master of the Horse, and the Grand Master of the Civil List. All the other Officers of State were ranged in proper situations. The Members of the Assembly stood up in their places uncovered on the entrance of the King; but when his Majesty covered himself, they followed his example. The President placed himself in his chair, directly opposite to the King, After the King was seated on his throne, he directed the grand Master of the Ceremonies to administer the oaths of allegiance to their High Mightinesses. The oaths were accordingly first taken by the President, and afterwards by the other members in the order of their séniority. Each Member approached to the foot of the Throne, and was sworn on the Evangelists.

When all the Members were sworn, his Majesty delivered the following speech to the Assembly: Tr

"GENTLEMEN,

"When the National Deputies came to offer me the throne which I ascend

this day, I accepted it under the conviction that it was the whole nationof all called me to it.

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Relying on the intelligence, zeal, on and patriotism and patriotism of the principal public functionaries, and particularly yours, Gentlemen, the Deputies, I have fearlessly weighed in my mind the misfortunes of the nation in their fullest extent. Animated by the strongest desire to promote the welfare of this good people, and entertaining a hope that I should one day attain that end, I stifled those sentiments which, till then, had been ever the object and happiness of my life. I have consented to change my country, to cease to be solely and entirely a Frenchman, after having pas sed my whole life in performing, to the best of my ability, the duties which that name prescribes to all who have the ho nour of bearing it.

"I have consented to separate myself, for the first time, from that which, from my infancy, has possessed my love and admiration, to lose the repose and independence which those which Heaven calls to govern cannot have-to quit that, the separation from which would fill me with apprehension, even in the most tranquil times, and whose presence precludes danger.

"I have consented to all this-and, Gentlemen, had I not done so, I would nevertheless yet act the same part, now that by the ardour, joy, and confidence of the people through whose country I have passed, they have proved to me that you were the true interpreters of the nation; now especially, when I am convinced that I may rely on your zeal, your attachment to the interests of your native land, and on your confidence in, and fidelity towards me.

"Gentlemen, this is the first day of the real independence of the United Provinces. A transient glance at past ages is sufficient to convince us that they never had a stable government, a fixed destiny, a real independence. Under that famous people, whom they fought and served by turns, as under the Franks, and the Empire of the West, they were neither free nor easy. ***Neither were they so afterwards, when subjected to Spain."

"Their wars, and their repeated quarrels until the union, added to the

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glory of the nation, confirmed its qualities in point of loyalty, intrepidity, and honour, for which, indeed, it had been always celebrated; but its efforts procured it neither tranquillity nor independence, even under the Princes of Orange, who, though they were useful to their country, as Captains and politicians, were always disturbing it by pretending, or endeavouring to obtain a power which the nation denied them.

cr Nor could Holland be considered in that state in later times, when the promulgation of ideas, and the general agitation of Europe, so long suspended the repose of nations.

"After so many vicissitudes, so much agitation, so many calamities; and at a time when the great states were enlar ging themselves, ameliorating and concentrating their Governments and their forces, this country could enjoy no real safety nor independence but in a moderate monarchial state; a form which has been acknowledged during along period, and by each nation in its turn, as the most perfect, and, if not absolutely so, yet as much so as the nature of man will admit. But, doubtless, if perfection were the lot of humanity, we might then dispense with a Government of this kind.-Laws would then be found. ed in wisdom, and obeyed without reluctance or obstacle; virtue would reign triumphant, and ensure its own reward; vice would be banished, and wickedness rendered impotent; but illusions which favour such romantic ideas of human nature are transient, and experience soon brings us back to positive facts.

"However, even monarchy is not sufficient for a country, which, though powerful and important, is not sufficienly so for its position, which reques forces of the first rank both by land and sea. It will, therefore, be necessary for it to form a connection with one of the great Powers of Europe, with which its amity may be eternally assured, without any alteration of its independence.

"This, Gentlemen, is what your nation has done; this is the object of its constitutional laws, and also that of my taking upon me an employment so glorious; this is my object in placing myself in the midst of a people who are, and ever shall be mine, by my affection and my solicitude. With pride I perceive two of the principal means of go

vernment and confidence offering themselves to me; the honour and the virtue of the inhabitants.

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Yes, Gentlemen, these shall be the real support of the throne-I wish for no other guides. For my part, I can see no ground of difference in religion or any other nominal distinction-distinctions can only arise from merit and services. My design is only to remedy the evils which the country has suffered. The duration of these evils, and the difficulty in remedying them, will only encrease and realize my glory.

"To effect these objects, I have occasion for the entire confidence of the nation, their complete devotion, and all the talents of the distinguished men whom it contains, but particularly of you, Gentlemen, whose zeal, talents, and patriotism are well known.

"I am at this moment appealing to good and faithful Hollanders, before the Deputies of the provinces and principal cities of the kingdom. I see them around me with pleasure. Let them bear to their fellow citizens the assurance of my solicitude and affection; let them carry the same testimony of these sentiments to Amsterdam; that city which is the honour of commerce, and of the country; that city which I wish to call my good and faithful capital, though the Hague will always remain the resi dence of the Sovereign. Let them also carry the same assurances to their fel. low citizens and the deputies of that neighbouring city, the prosperity of which I hope very soon to renew, and whose inhabitants I distinguish.TM

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"It is by these sentiments, Gentlemen, it is by the union of all orders of people in the state, and by that of my subjects among themselves; it is by the devotion of each individual to his duties, the only basis of real honour assigned to men; but principally to the unanimity which has hitherto preserved these provinces from all dangers and calamities, and which has ever been their shield, that I expect the tranquillity, safety, and glory of the nation, and the happiness of my life."

His Majesty then withdrew, and the procession returned to the Palace in the Wood, in the same order in which it reached the Assembly.

King Louis had scarcely set foot in his new dominions, when he began to

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