Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

Proceedings of the POLITICAL CLUB, continued from p. 41.

The debate on the motion for a bill for the
encouragement of feamen, &c. continued.
The Speech of L. Trebonius Afper, who
Spoke next.

Mr Prefident,

TH

HE Hon. Gentlemen who fpoke first against the motion now under our confideration, was pleased to recommend moderation to us upon the prefent occafion; and I fhall grant that moderation is upon all occafions a very commendable quality: but I wish we had, upon this, as well as fome former occafions, mixed a little fpirit with our moderation; for moderation without fpirit ought rather to be called ftupidity; and as fuch, I am afraid, our moderation, with regard to the difputes now fubfifting between France and us, has been confidered, not only by all the indifferent nations in Europe, but even by the French themselves. This, I believe, has encouraged them, for feveral years, to behave in a moft contemptuous manner towards us, though at the fame time we have behaved in the moft paffive manner towards them; for I must observe, that ever since the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, our behaviour towards the French has been of the very fame complexion with our behaviour towards the Spaniards for feveral years after the treaty of Seville. And indeed the treaties were pretty much of the fame complexion. By the treaty of Seville, we left the most important of the British concerns to be difcuffed by our respective commiffaries at Madrid. The commiffaries accordingly met, and conferred for fome years without the leaft fuccefs, but at a great expence to this nation. The negotiation was carried on for several years more by our minifters; and thus we continued to negotiate for ten years, whilft the Spaniards continued, during that whole time, to plunder our merchants and interrupt our navigation in the feas of America. In the fame manner, by the treaty of Aixla Chapelle, we left the most important of our concerns with France, to be fet

63

tled by our respective commiffaries at Paris; for in every thing relative to the point of honour, we have for many years given it up, almost to every nation in Europe. Our commiffaries accordingly met the French commiffaries at Paris, and for fome years negotiated, with the fame want of fuccefs. Our minifters have fince carried on the negotiation; and thus we have been negotiating for these eight years, whilst the French have been interrupting our trade, and plundering and murdering our people in both the Indies, and building forts upon our most undoubted territories in America.

I beg pardon, Sir, for faying undoubted; for really we have for fo many years behaved with fo much moderation, that many of our rights, which were never before contefted, are now become doubtful, in the opinion even of fome of those foreign ftates who incline to be our friends. And indeed I cannot much wonder at our behaviour, at and fince the time of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle; as it has been directed by those very minifters, who ferved their apprenticeship under that minister who directed our behaviour at the time of the treaty of Seville, and from that time until a year or two after the breaking out of the Spanish war. And if a war with France should now be the confequence, as I am convinced it will, we may obferve the fame fimilitude of conduct: for we began our war with Spain by ridiculously iffuing orders for reprifals only; whereas had we begun it by one bold and vigorous push, we might have put an end to it at once, by obliging the enemy to fubmit to whatever we thought reasonable. Just fo we have begun the war with France, by iffuing orders for what I now find is to be called reprifals; whereas had we begun the war by a bold and vigorous push, and thereby repoffeffed ourselves of that island which we, I fhall not say fcandaloufly, reftored to them by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, we should have foon compelled them to fue for peace; because we could then have e

K 2

fectually

fectually prevented their fending fup. plies, either of troops, ammunition, or provifions, to Canada. But by beginning the war in our modern manner of making reprisals, we have given them warning, as we formerly did to the Spaniards, to provide for their defence; and the confequence, I fear, will be much more fatal, as the French have always been, and upon this occafion appear to have been, much more alert than the Spaniards.

I call it, Sir, our modern manner of making reprisals, becaufe reprisals is a term very improperly applied to what we now practifed against the French, or what we formerly practifed against the Spaniards. When a private injury has been done by the fubjects of one ftate to the fubjects of another, the flate whofe fubjects have been injured, demands fatisfaction; and if it be denied, or unreasonably delayed, they iffue letters of reprifal: but for a public infult or injury committed by the ftate itself, or by orders of the ftate itself, no nation, ever before, thought of ifiuing letters of reprital. For revenging or redreffing fuch an infult or injury, if public fatisfaction be not inftantly made, war is the immediate confequence; and a wife nation will always, in fuch a cafe, make their firft attack as fudden and as vigorous as poffible. This piece of wifdom we may learn from the very firft age of the city of Rome: for the great Roman hiftorian has told us, that the Sabine war was the most heavy and dan gerous that Romulus was ever engaged in: Nihil enim, fays he, per iram aut cupiditatem actum eft: nec oftenderunt bellum prius, quam intulerunt.

In fuch cafes, Sir, a previous folemn declaration of war is never neceffary, or at leaftit ought never even in common decency to be made, until your armies are juft entering the territories of the enemy. Nor will the opinion of Grotius appear to be contrary to what I fay, if what he means by the word interpellatio be duly attend ed to: for when he fays, that though it be not commanded by the law of nature, bonefte tamen et laudabiliter interponitur, it is plain from what follows, that

he means a requifition of redress or fatisfaction; and if we have not often made this requifition, I do not know what we have been a doing for these fix or feven years paft. I do indeed fufpect, that this requifition has always been made in fuch a moderate complaifant manner, that the court of France never thought we were ferious, or that we would come to extremities in cafe of any delay. But if this was really the cafe, I believe it will not be made an argument against the motion now under confideration: nor would it be a good argument if it were; because the French have treated us with fuch contempt, that it ought to have been returned by an immediate attack: and, confequently, I think, that one of the strongest reafons in favour of this motion is, that it will bring our tedious negotiation to a fhort iffue; it will convince the court of France, that however much our minifters may have been cajoled by their compliments and excufes, the parliament will not fuffer itself to be lo, but will force our minifters to mix a little fpirit with their moderation, and infift upon a fpeedy and categorical answer. X

This, Sir, will bring us quickly to a state of open war, or honourable peace. And even the former is more eligible than the middle ftate in which we are at prefent. For what is it, that France has cajoled us so long with fair promises and fham excufes ? for what have they, for fome time paft, fhewn fo much patience? They have been, they are ftill fortifying themfelves in America they have been, they are still restoring their navy, by all the means they can contrive. His Majefty's fhips of war may prevent their fending numerous imbarkations to America at one time; they may interrupt their trade; and they may, in a great measure, prevent their importing naval ftores in their own bottoms: but whilft we are in our prefent ftate, we cannot prevent their carrying on their trade, and importing naval ftores in foreign bottoms, nor can we give commiffions to privateers; and if the French fhould refolve to send fupplies to America in fingle fhips, we

could

could not fo effectually prevent it, by fo much as pretended, that out of the his Majesty's fhips of war alone, as we produce of these prizes any damage is could do both by them and by priva- to be made good to any private man teers. Therefore, if the French court in the British dominions. And as to have lately fhewn moderation, or pa- the damage which the nation has fuftience, as it is called, they have a good fered, or may fuffer, or the expence it political reafon for it. They will pro- has been, or may be put to, it is the bably never declare war, until they fame thing to the nation in general, have fo far reftored their navy as to be whether the prizes be appropriated to the in fome degree equal to ours: and this captors or the public; because what be we cannot prevent, by laying hold of a longs to the people of the nation befmall number of their feamen; for it is longs to the nation; and the wisdom of ships, not feamen, that they are in want the parliament has already determined, of; and as they have the command of that our giving the prizes to the captors, not only all their own feamen, but ma in time of war, will always contribute ny foreigners, if they should once be a moft to the benefit of the nation in geble to provide fhips enough, they may neral; as it will increase the number of fend a moft formidable navy to fea, prizes, and encourage our feamen to though we had in our poffeffion twice the enter themfelves voluntarily on board number of their feamen we now have. our fhips of war, and consequently eiThus, Sir, we may fee, that though ther entirely prevent, or at least dimia declared war be a ftate which no na- nifh the neceffity of preffing. tion ought to chufe, and this state less than many others; yet, in our prefent fituation, an honourable peace, or an immediate war, is what we ought to refolve to have; and therefore it is evident, that the only plaufible argument that has been, or indeed can be made ufe of against this motion, if it had any weight, would be an argument for, and not a gainst the motion. But, Sir, as the bill was opened by the Noble Lord who propofed it, and by the Hon. Gentleman who feconded the motion, their motion can have no relation either to war or peace. It is fo far from being a parliamentary declaration of war, that it is exprefsly the contrary. For the bill is not defigned to lay his Majefty under so much as a conditional or contingent neceffity to declare war, or to iffue a commiffion to the court of admiralty to condemn the fhips that have been or fhall be taken: it is defigned only as an affurance to our feamen, that if war fhould be declared, or fuch a commiffion iffued, all the fhips they have taken, or fhall hereafter take, fhall belong to them, in the fame manner as they would have done, had they been all taken after a declaration of war. And this furely is not inconfift. ent with the nature of what is properly called reprisals, as it is not now

To prevent or diminish this, Sir, is the chief design of this bill; and to promote fuch a defign, it is furely very proper to mention all the inconveniencies we are expofed to, and all the complaints that have lately been occafioned, by our preffing of feamen into the fervice of the government. That these complaints were many and grievous in Scotland, I do not in the least question: our being obliged to make use of the military for protecting the prefs-gangs, is a plain proof of it. And I must observe, that it is a very subtle diftinction, to say, that the military do not prefs, but only protect the prefs-gangs. It is a diftinction worthy of a Johannes Dunfcotus; for by the fame rule it may be faid, that the prefs-gangs do not prefs, but only protect the officer who has the warrant in his pocket, and without whom they neither do, nor can lawfully prefs. But though I do not doubt of there having been many and grievous complaints in Scotland, yet I am very ready to believe what was faid by an Hon. Gentleman in an high office there: for as I take his office to be much of the fame nature with our attorney-general's here, he could hear of no complaints, but the complaints of those who could complain in a regular and legal manner. But how

few

few are there that have either money or friends fufficient for this purpofe? I beTieve the lower fort of people here, are generally as rich as they are in Scotland; and yet I doubt if our attorney-general ever heard of one complaint in England, unless it was in common conversation, Are we from thence to fuppofe that there never was any complaint in England, or that no man was ever preffed that was not by custom liable to be preffed, nor any man ill used at the time of his be ing preffed, or after he was pressed?

Sir, if the matter were to be strictly inquired into, I believe it would appear, that we have loft fome thousands of brave and able feamen, by the ufage they received in being preffed, and afterwards on board the tenders, or by the diftempers thereby contracted. I believe every gentleman of this houfe has heard fome instance of this kind: I have heard many; and therefore I think, that no gentleman, who has any bowels of compaffion towards our brave feamen, can refufe his affent to any meafure which, he thinks, may in the leaft contribute towards relieving us from the hard neceffity we are under, of permitting our feamen to be preffed into his Majefty's fervice. I fay, permitting, Sir; for that is the moft that can be contended for, either from the common law, or the ftatute law of this kingdom. The practice may be of a very ancient date; as our kings always had, and it is neceffary they fhould have, in time of war, fome very extraordinary powers: but the practice is now frequent in time of peace as well as of war. If five or fix fhips, or any greater number, are to be fitted out, for the protection of our trade in any part of the world, or for giving weight to our negotiations, as has been often pretended, all the feamen in the kingdom must be alarmed with a press: and great numbers of men are preffed, who are afterwards rejected by the regulating captains; for upon fuch occafions they will accept of none but the most expert as well as able feamen.

This, Sir, has really been of late years fo frequent, that it renders the life of a feaman very unealy, and his liberty ve

ry precarious; which prevents numbers of people from breeding either themfelves or their children to the fea-fervice: and this must be allowed to be a very great misfortune to a nation, whofe chief defence confifts in its number of able and expert feamen. And befides this, Sir, I am afraid, that this power which our fea.captains have, of preffing men into their fervice, induces fome of them to treat the feamen under their com mand, in a more haughty and harsh manner than they have any occafion for. This I am the more apt to believe, becaufe fome of our captains never have any occafion to prefs men into their fervice; for as foon as it is known that they are put in commiffion, greater numbers of voluntiers offer to enter themfelves under their command than they stand in need of; and if care were always taken to commiffion fuch captains, preferable to any others, I believe it would be a step towards preventing the neceffity of preffing.

But this Sir, muft proceed from the executive, not the legislative powers and, in the mean time, let us do what we can, for enabling his Majesty to prepare for war, by encouraging feamen to enter into his fervice. This muft inforce our negotiation for a peace, if there be now any fuch thing in agitation, and as this will be the effect of the bill now propofed, I am moft heartily for agree ing to the motion.

The Speech of C. Numifius, who spoke next. Mr Prefident,

Τ'

[ocr errors]

Here is a very great difference between enacting, that all hips which fhall be taken and condemned after a declaration of war, fhall belong to the captors, and ena&ting, that all fhips which fhall be condemned after a declaration of war, fhall belong to the captors; and yet this difference feems not to have been in the least attended to, by thofe gentlemen who have spoke in favour of this motion: therefore I muft beg leave to explain this difference, becaufe from thence it will appear, that the bill now propofed is altogether unneceffary, or will be attended with very dangerous and pernicious confequences. To

enact,

enact, that all flips which shall be taken and condemned after a declaration of war, fhall belong to the captors, can give no greater encouragement to our feamen to enter into his Majefty's fervice than they have at prefent; because they all know, that, by a standing law, the captors are to have the fole right to every ship that shall be taken and condemned after war has been once declared. Such a bill would therefore be abfolutely unneceffary, as it could no way anfwer the end propofed; and to take up our time with paffing fuch a bill, would really expofe our proceedings to the contempt, not only of our feamen, but of every man of common fenfe in the kingdom.

On the other hand, Sir, to enact, that all ships which fhall be condemned after a declaration of war fhall belong to the captors, even though taken by way of reprifal before the declaration of war, would be looked on, by all the courts of Europe, as fuch a menacing and infulting manner of demanding fatisfaction, as must engage the honour of the court of France not to give us that fatisfaction which we have a right to, and which they would otherwife have been willing to grant. Even in private life, if I had, by accident or mistake, done a gentleman an injury, I should be ready to afk his pardon, and to make him all the atonement in my power; but if he came to ask it in a menacing and infulting manner, I should certainly offer him a very different fort of fatisfaction; and if the confequence should prove, fatal to him, fome gentlemen might perhaps fay, he had acted with fpirit, but I am fure no man would fay, he had acted either with justice or prudence. And if we should pass fuch a bill as this, the court of France would probably make us fuch an answer as D'Eftrades tells us was made to our court in 1662, by Lewis XIV.: "A misfortune may hap pen to me, but fear can never make any impreffion."

This I fay, Sir, would probably be the answer of the court of France; and they would be juftified in it by every court in Europe; which would be a great

misfortune to us, because it would make us be looked on by all Europe as the authors of the war. In this cafe let us confider, Sir, that there are feveral powerful nations in Europe, who, by treaties of alliance, ftand engaged to aflist France when it is attacked: and though we may be able to carry on a naval war againt France alone, though it may perhaps be our intereft to ftand alone in fuch a war; yet I doubt much if we are able to carry on, with fuccefs, even a naval war against France, affitted by two or three of the other maritime powers of Europe; efpecially as we must always be obliged to keep a great part of our navy at home, for preventing our being invaded by thofe numerous land-armies which France and her allies might 0. therwise be able to throw into this island. But fuppofing we could hope to be able to do this, would it be prudent in us to act in fuch a manner as to bring ourfelves into fuch a dangerous fituation, if by holding a different fort of conduct we may prevent any other nation's having a pretence for joining with France againft us?

This is, Sir, what every gentleman ought molt feriously to confider, upon this occafion; and it is a confideration upon which we neither have, nor can have the proper lights for enabling us to determine. Thofe lights his Majefty certainly has from his minifters at the feveral courts of Europe; but thofe lights must be of fuch a nature, that no gentleman can think of having them laid before fuch a numerous anembly. That France has already demanded the affiftance of her allies, no one can doubt: and from the neutrality they have hi therto obferved, we mult conclude, that none of them look upon what we have as yet done as a cafus feederis. They confider the fhips we have taken, as taken only by way of reprifal, and to be raftored to France, upon her granting that fatisfaction we have a right to demand. But if we thould make the demand in fuch a haughty manner, as to render it inconfiftent with the honour of the French nation to comply with it, and an open war fhould from thence enfue,

« ZurückWeiter »